Pamela G. Fernandez
A shift to sustainable agriculture (SA) requires fundamental changes to the seed production
paradigm. It is important for farmers, particularly those in the Third World, to have control over their seed.
This requires a knowledge and appreciation of alternative technologies for crop and seed production, genetic
conservation, and crop improvement, as well as a thorough understanding of related issues. A seed
production system along the lines of the SA framework is based on holistic and integrative farming
principles and a greater participation of farmers in all aspects of the seed industry. Indigenous systems,
including seeds and associated practices, are a rich source of alternatives. However, these too have been
misused, not only for profit, but also to gain a monopoly of the means of production, and to perpetuate the
dominant yet unsatisfactory development paradigm.
In the search for alternative approaches to sustainable agriculture, various sectors have shown that they are prepared to take a fresh look at indigenous knowledge systems. This because they recognize that indigenous knowledge systems have a great deal to offer in terms of genetic resources, food, medicine, clothing, shelter, fuel, tools, techniques, and crop and animal protection. There is also a growing realization that certain characteristics of indigenous knowledge are highly compatible with the framework of sustainable agriculture. Indigenous agriculture systems are varied, adaptable, nature-friendly, and produce yields which are not necessarily lower than those of 'modern' or conventional agriculture. Unlike the latter, which stresses yield, indigenous agriculture systems emphasize production stability and risk minimization. They value human fulfilment above profit and are directed towards self-reliance and self-sufficiency.
The mainly subsistence nature of indigenous agriculture systems is a source of concern to many governments faced with the threat of overpopulation, degraded resource bases and global environmental changes, such as the depletion of the ozone layer. Moreover, misconceptions and biases against indigenous knowledge systems have hindered its incorporation into current development strategies and programmes. Nevertheless, in the absence of appropriate 'modern' alternatives, indigenous knowledge has become a starting point for academic and other institutions in their search for solutions. Indigenous knowledge can also be used to actualize the principle of cultural appropriateness, a basic feature of SA, incorporating into it the wealth of farming knowledge which resides with local people.
Seeds
Indigenous knowledge systems, especially indigenous seeds, provide a logical starting point in the search for
sustainable alternatives in agriculture. Seed is a basic input in production. As such, it has always played a
primary role in development programmes, through the 'HYVs' (high yielding varieties) and associated
technology and input packages such as monocropping, chemicals, irrigation, machines, capital, and credit or
loans. To promote HYVs, the formal seed sector--both official and private--was operationalized to multiply
and make available to the farmers the so-called 'improved' seed.
Formal seed production follows closely the modern crop production system, which means that it relies heavily on chemicals, external inputs, monocropping, and a limited number of varieties. This approach is known to have led to problems related to the environment (pollution, chemical residue, soil degradation, pest resistance, and genetic erosion); the economy (impoverishment and indebtedness); social structure (inequities); and culture (erosion of tradition, knowledge and tools). It is a highly centralized, 'top-down' and non-participatory approach. Farmers have become mere recipients of institutional seed, rather than participants in the process, from the development of varieties to the actual utilization. As a result, they are dependent on external solutions designed to solve their local problems, and have lost confidence in their ability to help themselves. They see modern, 'hi-tech', or institutionally promoted techniques as superior to their own. To revive the confidence of farmers in their ability to address their own needs, new approaches in both formal and non-formal education, research and extension are needed. Participatory approaches and interactive, dialogic and experiential techniques, are an essential part of this process of confidence-building and empowerment. Fortunately, there are many local communities throughout the world which can provide the much-needed indigenous knowledge, practices, techniques, tools, and genetic resources. NGOs and development/rural workers have also put forward various non-conventional approaches which are useful in bringing about the needed transformation.
In spite of the efforts and resources poured into the formal seed sector, the informal sector (farmers, grassroots NGOs, etc.) has remained the major source of seed (85% of requirements) in many Third World countries. Along with the recognition of the value of indigenous agricultural knowledge, there is tremendous potential for the informal seed sector in the development of a national seed industry. This could very well provide the foundation for sustainable agricultural systems. Unfortunately, the seed industry is often seen in terms of its commercial aspect--which is used as the measure of development and welfare--rather than in terms of equity or environmental protection.
Indigenous seed practices
Indigenous seed practices encompass practically all aspects of crop production, since seed-saving is an
integral part of cropping activities in indigenous systems. Farmers engaged in the production and
multiplication of quality seed deal with asexual propagation, land preparation and soil management, seed and
seedling preparation and care, crop and pest management, flowering induction, the enhancement of seed
quantity and quality, crop improvement, harvesting or collection, seed processing (drying, threshing,
cleaning, and grading), storage, genetic conservation, and quality testing.
The multifaceted focus and holistic approach which are a characteristic of indigenous systems have been observed and backed by five to six years of informal study on the part of the author and her colleagues, including laboratory tests for the validation of indigenous seed practices, survey and unstructured interviews with tribal Filipinos throughout the country. Observations were also based on discussions and exchanges during training sessions attended by farmers and development/rural workers, and feedback in the form of publications and written communications.
Local communities use various indicators to determine favourable times of planting and cropping, such as the different aspects of the sky, sun, moon, stars, bodies of water, and trees, as well as animal behaviour. They have many different ways of preparing the seed for planting; some follow the principle of sympathetic magic, such as filling the mouth with porridge while planting coconut to get makapuno fruit**1. Seeds may be coated with or soaked in various substances to ensure protection against pests or to promote growth. Sometimes seeds are dipped in blood (allegedly an offering to spirits, but possibly a form of nutrient enhancement), and fields are prayed over the night before planting, using lighted torches (which may actually kill many of the insect pests attracted to light).
There are various 'organic' methods in use for enriching or altering the soil, managing water, and keeping plants pest-free. Diverse or mixed cropping, specific cropping arrangements, and the use of plants that serve as repellants or attractants are common indigenous strategies for minimizing risks and enhancing stability. In the case of rice, some groups use special arrangements of varieties in a field to manage insects, rats and birds. Mechanical techniques, such as interestingly sculpted bird perches, and insect and rat traps, and biological control strategies are also employed to remedy pest problems.
Plant manipulation to alter or improve crop performance such as grafting, injuring, pruning stems or roots, and 'training' plant parts can be traced back to indigenous systems. Plant characteristics may also be altered or preselected by means of a particular index. In papaya, for example, female trees can be obtained by selecting the part of the fruit where the seed is derived and the physical characteristics of the seed or seedling. Ingenious ways to promote flowering and fruiting are available (e.g., smudging, injuring, girdling, pruning, water manipulation), and indigenous harvesting and seed collection techniques have also been developed. As a rule farmers select the most desirable produce for the next season's crop, which is in itself a form of breeding. In other cases, they practise hybridization, by deliberately growing crops side by side to obtain 'new types', or by hand pollinating female flowers with pollen from another plant. Farmers have also developed techniques of processing and drying (e.g., through the use of special dried leaves as an indicator of dryness). Rice seeds, for example may be sorted by flotation and simply winnowed. Some farmers carry out the harvesting, storage and planting of whole rice panicles. Techniques to ratoon, clone or produce asexually propagated materials are also available for some species that do not readily produce seed.
One of the most important concerns of farmers, seed producers, and seed traders is seed protection during storage. Storage is critical in The Philippines, as the climate is hot and humid and seed losses are often quite heavy. A number of relatively recent scientific studies undertaken to improve the physiological state of seed (i.e., by invigoration) and to enhance its storability and field performance are of an indigenous nature. Various methods have been devised to protect the seed from rats, including specially designed storage houses. The kitchen hearth is a common storage place, which generally keeps seeds dry and pest-free, thanks to the smoke from a wood-burning stove. There are also containers designed to keep out moisture (e.g., well-sealed gourds or bamboo tubes), or to keep seeds cool (e.g., moist earthen jars, cave interiors). Desiccants such as charcoal, ash, and lime are also in common use. Botanicals (e.g., lemon grass, gliricidia leaves, hot pepper, and tobacco) are often placed inside containers or mixed with the seed to keep it insect- free. Some of these botanicals are also used during planting. The use of resistant indigenous seeds or varieties clearly plays a major role in the strategy aimed at crop health maintenance, seed longevity and pest management.
Seed quality is another constant concern for farmers, contrary to the belief of many people in the formal sector. There are various ways to determine whether the seed is of good quality, such as germination testing using locally available material (e.g., banana leaf sheath), volume expansion with exposure to dew, flotation, and a test for stickiness which some seed display in the presence of certain substances (ash).
Certain rituals or practices associated with cropping itself border on magic, religious belief, or superstition (e.g., planting sweet potato while naked). However, they serve a definite purpose, by strengthening or institutionalizing the practice, in order to ensure implementation, continuity and sustainability. For those practices that are more directly related to production, but for which no scientific explanation can be offered or which do not work when validated, judgment should be suspended until all possible explanations have been ruled out. The current body of science--especially when it is dealt with as discrete disciplines or by means of a reductionist approach--is admittedly still limited to explaining certain phenomena which people claim they have observed. Some of these practices are backed up by solid scientific evidence, while others will need to be validated in more specific environments, taking into account the ecological, socio-cultural, economic and even political context. Interestingly, some of these indigenous practices, including rituals, are shared by farming communities who are in geographically isolated regions or who are not in contact with each other.
Genetic resources and seed-related issues
The conservation of crop genetic resources and the promotion of biodiversity is a matter of course among
peoples with diversified cropping methods, and diverse cultural and agricultural practices. Some
communities, however, have developed specialized practices in gene conservation, not only for food security
and general survival, but also for posterity. As a result, valuable knowledge and genetic resources that are
useful for industrial purposes, agriculture and medicine are conserved. Most of these valuable genetic
resources reside in the Third World--also referred to as the 'developing world', 'gene-rich' countries or 'the
South'. However, the majority of the international collections are now controlled by the First World--also
called the 'developed world', 'gene-poor' countries, or 'the North'.
Realizing the potential of genetic resources, the commercial sector has also intensified its interest in the conservation, use and control of such resources. The transnational companies (TNCs) which dominate trading, especially in seed, agrochemicals, pharmaceuticals and the food industry, also have a major interest in biotechnology. Various strategies have been utilized, and still more are envisioned, to enhance and protect the interests of companies, organizations and individuals whose business is dependent upon genetic resources and indigenous knowledge systems in general. The great advances in biotechnology, with its potential for the manipulation and recombination of genetic materials, has further intensified the necessity for the TNCs to control and protect 'raw' materials and finished products.
The issue of the commodification of knowledge and the drive towards the control of genetic resources and the materials derived from them has raised environmental, social, political, moral and ethical questions. There is an ongoing debate about the ownership of genetic materials, which are regarded as the common property of all humankind. The protection of varieties through patents or by means of a sui generis system, such as the Plant Breeders' Rights under the UPOV, has also generated questions concerned with propriety. Genetic materials and knowledge associated with them has come largely from the Third World, where farmers do not recognize private ownership especially of genetic materials, whether in the raw/wild form or as cultivars or varieties.
Biodiversity prospecting by corporate interests, TNCs, research institutions and governments continues (e.g., the Merck/InBio agreement, which by means of a contract with an NGO, grants that company the rights to the biological resources of Costa Rica). An aborted attempt to take control of the germplasm collection of the International Agricultural Research Centers (IARC) under the CGIAR by the World Bank is another example of a strategy aimed at obtaining a monopoly control of genetic resources.
One of the recent moves to control genetic resources and enhance trade is the recently concluded GATT (General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade) agreement specifically dealing with the issue of intellectual property rights (IPR) protection and trade liberalization. The TNCs are leading the call for a GATT-based global patenting system to be enforced in developing countries. Life forms, including plant genetic materials and varieties, are now considered patentable materials. An 'internationalized' patent and a free trade policy would allow TNCs easy access to raw materials, restrict access by other parties, and make it easier to lay claim to them or to products derived from them. The charging of royalties and a further consolidation of the forces of the TNCs would thus be facilitated.
Ironically, many supposedly new discoveries or inventions are actually 'rediscoveries' or 'reinventions', in the sense that they were developed and used by local communities in the past, often unknown to the world outside. Many 'improved' seed introduced into communities as part of development 'packages' are in effect indigenous seeds which have been renamed or slightly modified. Much of the material on which TNCs have made such a profit was derived from indigenous systems that are protected by patents or monopoly agreements. And yet this material has not been used to benefit the actual source of the knowledge and resources involved. Worse yet, it has even become an instrument for the exploitation of the people.
Furthermore, international efforts on the part of the informal sector to promote the recognition of its contributions to the maintenance and development of genetic resources, and to protect its interests, have not kept pace with those of the formal and commercial sector. The International Model Law on Folklore, an UNESCO and WIPO initiative aims at recognizing communities for their innovations, and Farmers' Rights (a FAO initiative), specifically intended to recognize and compensate past, present and future work done by farmers, are far from fully operational.
Conclusion and recommendations
Indigenous seed practices are diverse, ingenious, and scientifically sound. A holistic study of such practices
would not only provide more insight into the practices themselves, but also help to clarify the essence of the
culture of peoples, including the use of certain plants, environments, animals and tools. While such
knowledge would benefit sustainable agriculture, it could also be used against the local people, through the
prevailing official--but questionable--development strategy and approaches.
There remains the gigantic job of documenting the many aspects of indigenous knowledge, with a view to promoting sustainable agriculture. The scientific basis of these practices may be of interest to researchers, but it must be remembered that practices may not work when they are removed from their socio-cultural and socio-ecological context. It must also be borne in mind that modern science has not yet fully explored all their possibilities and dimensions. In any case, these practices must be respected; they are not random processes, but rather products of the intellectual investigations of people who have had the opportunity to validate their practices for hundreds if not thousands of years.
When indigenous practices are found to be useful, it is everyone's moral duty to give credit where credit is due. Researchers and development workers should not immediately join in projects for the documentation of indigenous knowledge, as this could eventually lead to the disempowerment of local people. It is important to investigate thoroughly how each project can best serve the community. Indigenous knowledge has a tremendous potential not only for sustainability but also for inequity.
In the study of indigenous practices, one must make an effort to understand both the scientific principles behind them and the environmental and socio-cultural context. The economic and political potential and implications of such practices must also be analyzed, to avoid a reductionist approach to problem solving. The seed, together with its associated uses and culture, is highly political and represents a source of dispute and rivalry within the field of global economics. The various considerations sketched above--although they may appear overwhelming--must be borne in mind by anyone who is truly dedicated to the cause of sustainable agriculture.
Dr Pamela G. Fernandez
University of The Philippines at Los Banos
College of Agriculture
Department of Agronomy
College, Laguna 4031
The Philippines
Tel: +63-94-2468/2466/2217
E-mail: pgf@mudspring.uplb.edu.ph
Further references**2
Aumeeruddy, Y. and F. Pinglo (1989) Phytopractices in tropical regions. A preliminary survey of
crop improvement techniques. Paris: Unesco.
Boef, W. de, K. Amanor and K. Wellard, with A. Bebbington (1993) Cultivating knowledge. Genetic diversity, farmer experimentation and crop research. London: Intermediate Technology Publications Ltd.
Cromwell, E. and S. Wiggins (1993) Sowing beyond the state. NGOs and seed supply in developing countries. London: ODI.
Feder, E. (1983) Perverse development. Quezon City: Foundation for Nationalist Studies.
Fernandez, P.G. (1992) 'A university seed program to promote sustainable agriculture in the Philippines', Philippine Agriculturist 75(3&4):91-118.
Friis-Hansen, E. (1989) 'Village-based seed production', ILEIA Newsletter 4:26-27.
Garcia, R.G., P.G. Fernandez and P.S. Teng (1991) Traditional agriculture of major Philippine tribal groups with emphasis on pest management. A report submitted to the Philippine German Biological Plant Protection Project. Manila: GTZ.
Garcia, R.G., P.G. Fernandez and P.S. Teng (1992). Tribal Philippine agriculture: A survey and analysis. Paper presented at the Federation of Crop Science Societies of The Philippines at Zamboanga City.
GRAIN (1990) 'Building on farmers' knowledge', Seedling 7(4):5-9.
Hamrell S. and O. Nordberg (1985) Another development and the Third System: Development dialogue. Uppsala: SIDA.
Linnemann, A.R. and G.H. de Bruyn (1987) 'Traditional seed supply for food crops', ILEIA Newsletter 3(2):10-11.
Linnemann, A.R. and J.S. Siemonsma (1989) 'Variety choice and seed supply by smallholders', ILEIA Newsletter 5(4):22-23.
McRae, R.J., S.B. Hill, J. Henning and G.R. Mehuys (1989) 'Agricultural science and sustainable agriculture: a review of the existing scientific barriers to sustainable food production and potential solutions', Biological Agriculture and Horticulture 6:173-219.
Mooney, P.R. (1988) 'An international perspective on genetic conservation', in Proceedings of the national conference on genetic resources and development. Manila: SIBAT.
Mooney, P.R. (1990) 'From Gaia and the biosphere to the 'biotech sphere'? Biotechnology and the ownership of life', pp. 88-95 in Biotechnology for agriculture and its effects on the environment in developing countries. Proceedings of the Asian Regional Seminar/Workshop on Biotechnology. Manila: NAST.
Mooney, P.R. (1993) 'Exploiting local knowledge: international policy implications', pp. 172-178 in W. de Boef, K. Amanor and K. Wellard, with A. Bebbington. Cultivating knowledge. Genetic diversity, farmer experimentation and crop research. London: Intermediate Technology Publications Ltd.
Querol D. (1992) Genetic resources. Our forgotten treasure. Technical and socio-economic approaches. Penang: Third World Network.
Raghavan, C. (1991) Recolonization: GATT, the Uruguay Round & the Third World. Penang: Third World Network.
Ramprasad, V. (1993) 'Protecting farmers' rights', ILEIA Newsletter 9(4):21.
The Crucible group. (1994) People, plants, and patents. The impact of intellectual property on biodiversity, conservation, trade, and rural society. Ottawa: International Development Research Centre.
Tjahjadi, R. (ed) (1993) Nature and farming. Biodynamic agriculture and communal resources adaptation systems. Jakarta: PAN Indonesia.
Upawansa, G.K. (1989) 'Ancient methods for modern dilemmas', ILEIA Newsletter 4(3):9-11.
Endnotes
**1 Makapuno is a mutant coconut whose cavity is filled with white
meat (endosperm), in contrast to the normal coconut, in which the meat is only a few mm thick.
**2 At UPLB many theses have centred on a comparison between formal and
informal seed performance, and the testing of indigenous seed protection techniques.