Gender and indigenous knowledge

Maria E. Fernández

Indigenous knowledge systems have long been undervalued. Fortunately, an increasing amount of research on indigenous knowledge systems is now coming to the fore. But unfortunately, in these studies the role of gender is often neglected. It is argued in the present article that indigenous knowledge and gender are inextricably bound up with each other. It is also maintained that if indigenous knowledge systems are capable of forming a basis for sustainable development, their capacity to innovate on the basis of gendered- knowledge-generating processes must be recognized and respected.

The nature of indigenous knowledge systems
The terms 'indigenous' and 'local knowledge' are used to refer to that knowledge which is generated and transmitted by communities, over time, in an effort to cope with their own agroecological and socio-economic environments. This knowledge is generated and transformed through a systematic process of observing local conditions, experimenting with solutions, and readapting previously identified solutions to modified environmental, socio-economic and technological situations (Brouwers, 1993).

Until recently, these knowledge systems have been under attack for being 'backward', 'static' and a 'hindrance to modernization'. Terms such as 'objective', 'rigorous', 'control' and 'testing' have helped to develop the perception that science and technology are value-free, and that they operate outside of the societies in which they are rooted (Hill, 1993). This attitude has undermined the capacity of indigenous knowledge systems to innovate, and lowered the status of grass-roots innovators, especially women, whose contribution to technology development has traditionally been undervalued.

Although an increasing amount of research on indigenous knowledge systems is now being done, reversing this negative trend, a review of the literature shows that indigenous knowledge is still not always recognized as the product of holistic systems of perceptions, relationships and organizational arrangements. Furthermore, it is still difficult to identify references to the critical role of gender in the development of the indigenous knowledge systems themselves. An understanding of the role of gender, as well as the intrinsic value of indigenous knowledge, is crucial to the solution of situation-specific problems.

Gender and indigenous knowledge systems
Bodies of local knowledge are structured by systems of classification, sets of empirical observations about local environments, and systems of self-management that govern resource use. They are accessible, in the first place, to those members of a social group charged with specific resource management and production responsibilities. In this sense, indigenous knowledge systems are by their very nature gendered (Warren, 1989). They are fuelled by the experimentation and innovation of those groups within a community which have been assigned specific production and management responsibilities.

As gender is the primary social differentiation among adult, economically active members of a society, it is logical that specific spheres of activity will become the specialized domains of different genders, as they increase their knowledge and skill over time. As a result of this gender specialization, the indigenous knowledge and skills held by women often differ from those held by men. In addition, the kinds of relationships which exist between these two sets of innovators will affect hierarchies of access, use, and control, resulting in different perceptions and priorities for the innovation and use of technology by women and men (Appleton, 1993b).

Today we are all aware that gender is a cultural construct related to the behaviour learned by men and women; it affects what they do and how they do it within a specific social group. Gender differentiation comes about as a result of the specific experiences, knowledge and skills which women and men develop as they carry out the productive and reproductive responsibilities assigned to them (Feldstien and Poats, 1988). The degree of gender specificity attached to the knowledge and skills within a society depends not only on the way responsibilities are allocated among men and women, but also on the degree of flexibility men and women have to carry out the other's assignments.

For example, in parts of the Andes, women have much more knowledge of livestock management practices than men, while men know much more about soil classification criteria than women. Public recognition of this specialized knowledge is reflected in the fact that women are consulted when choices are made as to the appropriate grazing and/or breeding strategies. On the other hand, men make the choices pertaining to the selection of appropriate fields for specific crops. However, if for some reason a woman were obliged to run the farm alone, she would have to make specialized decisions regarding both the animal and crop sectors (Fernández, 1992).

Thus both women's and men's generation, adaptation and use of knowledge and technology are shaped by the economic, social, cultural, political and geographical contexts in which the two sexes live, but which each gender experiences in a different way (Appleton, 1993a). Since the primary social differentiation among adult, economically active members of a society is gender, it is not surprising that responsibility for spheres of activity is distributed first along gender lines. The practice of solving problems in these 'assigned' areas leads not only to specialization in those areas, but also to the generation of knowledge which can be applied to the solution of future problems.

Depending upon the culture, some types of knowledge may be complementary, meaning that both female and male knowledge systems are needed to understand a particular dimension of production or decision-making. Other types of knowledge however, may be shared, although such 'shared knowledge' cannot be assumed. There are at least four ways to think about gender differences in knowledge systems (Norem, Yoder and Martin, 1988). Women and men may have:

• a different knowledge of similar things;
• a different knowledge of different things;
• different ways of organizing knowledge; and
• different ways of preserving and transferring knowledge.

The recognition and reinforcement of indigenous knowledge systems can form the basis for an alternative development model. The capacity of these systems to integrate multiple disciplines, and the resultant synergism are beginning to demonstrate higher levels of efficiency, effectiveness, adaptability and sustainability than many of the conventional technology systems (Mathias-Mundy, 1993).

Innovation in indigenous knowledge systems must be encouraged, so that individuals can find new opportunities to mitigate the effects of the scarcity of natural resources, migration from rural to urban areas, drought, wars and unfavourable market conditions. If indigenous knowledge systems are to continue to contribute to the quest for sustainable development, their capacity to focus on diversity and locality as well as to innovate on the basis of gendered-knowledge-generating processes must be recognized and respected.

Maria E. Fernández, PhD
ILEIA
P.O. Box 64
3830 AB Leusden
The Netherlands
E-mail: etc@antenna.nl

References
Appleton, H. (1993a) 'Gender, technology and innovation', Appropriate Technology 20(2)6-8.

Appleton, H. (1993b) 'Women, science and technology: looking ahead', Appropriate Technology 20(2)9-10.

Brouwers, J.H.A.M. (1993) Rural people's response to soil fertility decline: The Adja case (Benin). Wageningen Agricultural University Papers 93-4.

Feldstein, H.S. and Poats, Susan V. (eds) (1989) Working together: Gender analysis in agriculture. West Hartford: Kumarian Press.

Fernández, M.E. (1992) 'The social organization of production in community-based agro-pastoralism in the Andes', pp. 99-108 in C.M. McCorkle (ed) Plants, animals and people: Agropastoral systems research. Boulder: Westview.

Hill, C. (1993) 'Healthy communities, healthy animals: reconceptualizing health and wellness', pp. 4-32 in Indigenous and local community knowledge in animal health and production systems: Gender perspectives. Ottawa: The World Women's Veterinary Association.

Mathias-Mundy, E. (1993) Abstracts of papers. Indigenous Knowledge and Development Monitor 1(2):21.

Norem, R.H., R. Yoder and Y. Martin (1989) 'Indigenous agricultural knowledge and gender issues in third world agricultural development', pp.91-100 in D.M. Warren, L.J. Slikkerveer and S.O. Titilola (eds) Indigenous knowledge systems: Implications for agriculture and international development Studies in Technology and social Change Program No. 11. Ames, Iowa: Iowa State University Research Foundation.

Warren, D.M. (1989) 'The impact of nineteenth century social science in establishing negative values and attitudes toward indigenous knowledge systems', in D.M. Warren, L.J. Slikkerveer and S.O. Titilola (eds) Indigenous knowledge systems: Implications for agriculture and international development. Studies in Technology and Social Change Program No. 11. Ames, Iowa: Iowa State University Research Foundation.