Helen E. Appleton
Catherine L.M. Hill
For the most part, development efforts have focused on
incorporating 'modern' science approaches and technologies into
development policies and programmes. While there are benefits to
this approach, little attention has been given to the socio-
cultural contexts of technology transfer and existing knowledge
systems. Men and women often have very different skills and
knowledge, which together create a knowledge system specific to
local conditions, needs and priorities. A better understanding
of local knowledge systems, particularly the gendered nature of
those systems, can help to make development efforts more
effective and sustainable, in terms of both the community and the
environment on which it depends and about which it holds vast
knowledge.
Dissemination of knowledge
It is important to recognize the roles which networks play--or
should play--in the dissemination, valuing, and protection of
indigenous knowledge systems, especially those of women.
Indigenous knowledge is often passed on by word of mouth from
generation to generation. It is essentially local, in that it
exists within, and is developed around, the specific conditions
of men and women in a particular geographical area. Peoples'
ability to access and pass on information varies according to the
available time, the degree of literacy, access to written
material, ability to travel, and control over household media
instruments (such as radios or televisions), which are themselves
closely bound up with the social, economic, and political context
of the people.
In the dominant science and technology system, information is generally shared through high-profile forums with limited accessibility, such as academic journals, and national or international conferences. These forums are only accessible to those who have received a certain standard of education, who can read one of the major European languages (usually English), who are able to get hold of the references cited, and who understand the complex vocabulary and formulas used. Most of the information is stored on computer networks or in research libraries which are inaccessible to most of the world's population, and certainly to rural communities in developing countries. Communications networks are developed on the assumption that such knowledge has global relevance and applicability, in other words, that there is an international science and technology culture with its own language, symbolism, and mechanisms for knowledge dissemination and protection. While scientists may argue about the hypotheses or findings of a piece of research, they do not question the knowledge system which has produced it.
Networks specializing in indigenous knowledge have various challenges and objectives. First, they are working with information which derives from different knowledge systems, and which therefore may not be comparable. Second, they are dealing with information which may be geographically limited, which means that its applicability in other conditions cannot be assumed. Third, they are working in an area where knowledge, skills and information are strongly engendered. A fourth challenge, which derives from the context in which they are working, is that networks specializing in indigenous knowledge have an interest in sharing information with those outside a knowledge system, repackaging information so that it can be used by people within a knowledge system, and facilitating the exchange of information between people within the same knowledge system. Thus it should also be a goal of indigenous knowledge networks**1 to assist in the development of protection mechanisms, and where applicable, compensation mechanisms, in light of the unequal relationship between indigenous and more dominant knowledge systems.
Different programmes
There is very little material available on activities which focus
on the gendered aspects of local scientific and technical
knowledge systems. To obtain information, one must examine a wide
range of relevant programmes and research. These fall into three
broad categories: science and technology programmes, women's
programmes, and indigenous knowledge programmes.
Science and technology programmes generally focus on the integration of women into science and technology activities. In these programmes, women are viewed as the recipients rather than the generators of knowledge. The emphasis is on the transfer of technologies (and knowledge) to women, and on 'training' and equipping women with the 'necessary skills'. In general, the objective is to transfer the hardware together with the skills needed to use it. The technology is developed, and often selected, by people outside the project. The objectives of the project do not include strengthening local skills with a view to developing and choosing technology. Often these programmes take the form of income-generating activities within small enterprise programmes, where there is little reference to women's indigenous knowledge and skills in the enterprise, or the role which they play in developing it. Nor is there any recognition of the technical skills employed in activities outside the small enterprise (Appleton, 1994). The concentration on giving women the necessary opportunities, technologies and management skills diverts attention away from an examination of the existing capacity (Indian Institute of Management, 1992). Often there is already a set of skills, knowledge and concepts which enable people to identify problems, establish priorities, and work out solutions. In the case of women, that existing capacity is drawn from the wide range of technical tasks that women carry out, including activities related to agriculture or livestock, the processing, cooking and storage of food, and the care of the sick. Often these tasks are not recognized as being particularly technical or requiring special skills. Building on existing capacity is sustainable, and new skills that are linked to old ones are more likely to be incorporated into existing knowledge systems. This can enhance people's ability to experiment in the search for solutions, and make optimum use of what they already know.
Women's programmes tend to focus on improving the status, access to resources, education, training, decision- making and empowerment of women in relation to men. Little critical attention is given to the value of women's knowledge in relation to identified problems and available resources in the wider environment, or to the integrity of women's knowledge as a sphere of knowledge in its own right. Furthermore, the identification of women as a group in need, and the view that science and technology are male areas of expertise, hamper the recognition of existing strengths.
Indigenous knowledge programmes are not always clear about their own approach, either in relation to indigenous knowledge as a system beside other systems, or in relation to the gendered nature of indigenous knowledge. 'Researchers.. need to be clear in their own minds about whether they aim to legitimise local knowledge solely in the eyes of the scientific community, by picking out the 'tit-bits' of practical information, or whether they are trying to strengthen and maintain its cultural integrity.' (Chambers et al., 1989; Harding, 1994; Lemonnier, 1993). The 'tit-bit' approach denies the social context in which scientific and technological capacity is developed and the fact that in most societies roles and responsibilities, and hence scientific and technical knowledge, are highly gender- disaggregated. Knowledge is evaluated in terms of how well its content fits in with orthodox scientific and technological thinking, rather than in terms of the belief system which supports it (Last and Chavunduka, 1988). Even when the system as a whole is focused upon, differences in the type, status and classification of women's and men's knowledge, which are fundamental to an understanding of the contributions and priorities of both sexes within a system, are ignored.
These three categories are self-limiting in terms of adding knowledge about women's existing scientific and technical capacities. A further factor is that information derived from an activity-specific approach encourages a focus on particular areas of work rather than on general issues centring around the gendered nature of indigenous knowledge systems. This means that there is little discussion at a conceptual level about how information contributes to a broader understanding of the issues, or at a strategic level about the implications of this information for the design of policies and strategies.
NGOS
For the reasons cited above, there is little information on what
has been done by different agencies in relation to women's
scientific and technical knowledge. More research and
documentation needs to be done on the activities of women in
their various roles as farmers, entrepreneurs, agro-pastoralists
and fisherfolk. Much of the information which is available is
based on work done in agriculture or food processing, areas where
the essential contributions of women are finally being recognized
in the policy statements and the programmes of such organizations
as the IFAD, the World Bank, and the Overseas Development
Administration. Activities and programmes in 'hard' technology
areas are less in evidence.
Nevertheless, there are examples of work designed to strengthen women's indigenous skills. One feature of this work is that it is often carried out in teams comprising NGOs, research institutes, local groups, and universities at the local, national and international level. The work carried out reflects two main areas of interest: the collection of information about indigenous knowledge systems, where discussions have centred around the content, validity and integrity of indigenous knowledge systems; and the examination and development of suitable participatory research techniques for working with and promoting an understanding of indigenous knowledge systems. An example of the latter is the work that has been done on the development of training materials. In addition, some universities and academic networks have attempted to break down barriers and to create links between formal research and development and local experimentation by both women and men (Chambers et al, 1989:165).
International organizations: Policies
and programmes
Several programmes and agreements pertaining to gender and
indigenous knowledge have been realized within the United Nations
and other international organizations. The box
below contains some examples. In general, there are three broad
types of agreements and related programmes: science and
technology, general issues related to women and gender, and
indigenous peoples.
The programmes and policies of most organizations have tended to be the object of a sectoral rather than a holistic approach. This is due in part to the single-discipline approach to formal education in which policy makers and programme implementers have been trained, together with the departmentalization characteristic of labour division within large organizations.
One of the consequences of this single-discipline approach is that the real-life concerns, priorities, knowledge and experience of rural community systems have not been reflected at either the project or the policy level. Areas such as gender, indigenous knowledge systems, and science and technology have been dealt with separately, thus continuing the marginalization and, in some cases, exploitation of peoples and their knowledge systems.
Science and technology agreements: It is noteworthy that most agreements in this category stress women's access to technologies, training and credit schemes in the West, and the impact which this has on them. Resolutions reflect the manner in which development research and programming have been prioritized and conducted over the years; to a large extent they have been based on externally defined, culturally inappropriate and imposed perceptions of areas of concern, which have largely ignored the gendered aspects of knowledge. While there has been some call for the support and protection of indigenous knowledge systems and innovations, there is a striking lack of resolutions and recommendations calling for the reinforcement, exploration, and support of technologies and initiatives developed by women at the local level.
Women and gender in general: Similarly, general agreements on women and gender tend to ignore women's local innovations and knowledge systems, which have remained largely invisible in specific documentation and recommendations addressing gender concerns. Agreements of this sort focus on improving access to 'modern' technologies, education, and decision-making processes, while ignoring the promotion, reinforcement, and protection of women's indigenous knowledge systems. While acknowledging the importance of supporting the right of women to act as signatories to contracts and ensuring that they have a legal right to access land and other means of production, the focus is on the rights of the individual rather than on individual and collective or community rights.
Indigenous peoples and indigenous knowledge: These agreements tend to focus specifically on indigenous peoples, though not necessarily on indigenous knowledge systems. This is confusing, because the term 'indigenous' is often associated solely with specific ethnic, religious, or cultural groups or populations, typically those occupying ancestral lands. The term 'indigenous knowledge systems' applies to many local-- but not necessarily indigenous--communities, their experiences, their environment, and their processes of innovation. While many agreements on indigenous peoples recognize the special nature of these knowledge systems, they do not acknowledge the gendered nature of such systems. The 'value of women's unique contribution' usually receives, at best, a line or two.
Conclusion
For the most part, both United Nations programmes and national
and international agreements have worked sectorally, rather than
holistically. Some of the reasons for this have been mentioned
above.
An added problem is the fact that programmes and agreements have also typically separated 'women and gender' from 'indigenous peoples'. A lack of clarity in the interpretation and use of the term 'indigenous' and its association with certain groups of people tends to render other indigenous knowledge systems invisible. This has resulted in a situation where indigenous knowledge systems do not 'fit into' documents on 'indigenous peoples' and documents focusing on women tend to promote 'modern' science and technology. Moreover, programmes and agreements have focused on the 'content' and 'hardware' of science, rather than on 'context' and 'software'.
Recommendations
Helen E. Appleton
Intermediate technology
Myson House
Railway terrace
Rugby CV21 3HT
UK
Tel: +44-788-560631
Fax: +44-788-540270
Catherine L.M. Hill
Pzza G. Vallauri 1
Int 6
00154 Rome
Italy
Tel: +39-6-5141139
This article has been written while Catherine Hill worked at IDRC (Ottawa, Canada)
References
Appleton, H.E. (1994) 'Technical innovation by women: The
implications of small enterprises', Small Enterprise
Development Journal 5(1):4-13.
Chambers, R., A. Pacey and L.A. Thrupp (eds) (1989) Farmer first: Farmer innovations and agricultural research. London: IT publications.
Harding, S. (1994) 'Is science multicultural? Challenges, resources, opportunities, uncertainties', pp. 303-330 in Configurations. Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press and the Society for Literature and Science.
Indian Institute of Management (1992) Regional workshop on the development of micro-enterprises by women. Ahmadabad (India)
Lemonnier, P. (ed) (1993) Technological choices: Transformation in material cultures since the neolithic. London/New York: Routledge.
Last, M. and G.L. Chavunduka (eds) (1988) The professionalisation of African medicine. Manchester: Manchester University Press.
Endnote
**1 The section Communications-
Networks highlights several networks and organizations
working in the field of gender and indigenous knowledge.
Example: Do it Herself
Between 1990 and 1993 the offices of an NGO known as the
Intermediate Technology Development Group in Asia, Africa,
Central/South America and the UK carried out a programme of
research which focused on women as technology users, producers
and innovators. The study, which was called 'Do It Herself', was
designed around the hypothesis that women's technological
capacities are less visible than those of men, and that a
different approach to research is called for. This was achieved
by working with researchers (mainly women) from different
organizations who had good links with women technology users at
the community level. The researchers were selected on the basis
of their community links rather than their research experience,
and support was provided for the development of the necessary
skills, methodologies and analysis, through a series of group
workshops. The majority of researchers had no university or
research experience.
The invisibility of women's technology use was also tackled by agreeing on a definition of technology that emphasized the relevance of the software of technology -- techniques, processes and organization of production -- as well as the hardware. The programme attempted to promote regional understanding of women's technical knowledge and the constraints on its recognition, through the dissemination of these messages to regional audiences of NGOs, government personnel and academic networks.
The 22 case studies highlight the invisibility of women's knowledge and skills across a range of technical areas. The researchers concluded that this invisibility is linked to both the domestic nature of women's work (which denies its technical content) and the fact that women's techniques tend to be software- rather than hardware-focused; this means that they are less prestigious and have a lower profile. At the community level, however, it is clear that women's technical skills underpin survival responses to crises and problems, and that the safety nets created by these responses may be destroyed by insensitive, uninformed policy making. The potential contribution of existing skills and knowledge in tackling problems is being ignored rather than built upon.
The information derived from the 'Do It Herself' study has been disseminated to public and policy makers in NGOs and governments. It has also been recognized that an important element of research work consists in the feedback of information. The programme has therefore included activities designed to repackage information for women technology users, with a view to building up their own knowledge and awareness of the skills and techniques that they are using. (Appropriate Technology 20(2), Sept.1993)
Some examples of gender
and indigenous knowledge in international
platforms.
The Nairobi Forward Looking Strategies for the Advancement of
Women (FLS) were adopted by the World Conference to Review and
Appraise the Achievements of the United Nations Decade for Women:
Equality, Development and Peace (Nairobi, Kenya, 15-26 July
1985). While there are a number of recommendations on indigenous
women, these are quite general, calling for governments to ensure
that all fundamental human rights and freedoms included in
international conventions are guaranteed to women of minority
groups and indigenous women (Para. 303).
Agenda 21 (1992), which developed out of the UNCED (United Nations Conference on Environment and Development), discusses the concerns of women and their relationship to the environment in Chapter 24. However, it gives no clear recommendations concerning either indigenous women or women's indigenous or local knowledge systems.
While Chapter 26 recognizes the role of indigenous communities in relation to the environment, there are few references to women, and even these are generally in the form of an addition to a more general recommendation. One article proposes that international development agencies, financial bodies, the UN system, and national governments incorporate indigenous peoples' values, views and knowledge (including women's unique contributions) into programmes and policies which affect them (Section 26.5). Perhaps most importantly, Chapter 26 acknowledges indigenous peoples' long tradition of holistic scientific knowledge of the environment and natural resources, and suggests that this might serve as a basis for action (Section 26.1). While highly ambitious, this chapter contains no concrete recommendations as to how these bodies might proceed. Finally, Agenda 21 contains a number of incidental references to women and indigenous peoples.
The Draft Platform for Action (1994) provides the foundations on
which the different regions of the world can base their own
Regional Platforms for Action, in preparation for the Fourth
World Conference on Women to be held in Beijing in September
1995. One section advocates the promotion of women's indigenous
knowledge, and suggests that 'NGOs might include non-formal
health education and advisory services for women and girls at the
community level, giving particular emphasis to women's
traditional health knowledge' (Section 74). Elsewhere, the
concerns of indigenous women and the promotion of traditional
health are mentioned as critical areas of concern. However, it
is important to note that the Regional Platforms for Action are
now in the process of being drawn up; in their definitive form,
they may be much more comprehensive.