COMMUNICATIONS - RESEARCH


Indigenous communication systems (farmer-to-farmer) in Nepal
Although much research has been done on indigenous knowledge (IK), comparatively little is known about indigenous communication systems. Indigenous communication has greater significance for rural development than has indigenous knowledge on its own. This is because it can be used to disseminate both indigenous knowledge and information about new technologies, as initiated both by the farmers themselves and by extensionists. The extension system is mainly a top-down approach, with extensionists rarely discussing or exploring indigenous practices with farmers. Research in Kenya into traditional fumigation practices, for example, revealed that there is little or no dissemination of farmers' knowledge through official channels. (See Goldman, A. (1991) 'Tradition and change in post-harvest pest management in Kenya', Agriculture and Human Values 8(1-2):99-113.)
Although indigenous communication has been an area of research only since recently, it is increasingly being recognized as an important channel for development, given the limitations of the extension service. Much research has shown that most farmers, both men and women, do not learn about new technologies through the media or from extensionists, but instead from relatives, friends or neighbours, or through their own experiments. Therefore, especially for a country like Nepal, which is characterized by isolated communities and social hierarchy, the effective use of indigenous communication channels can be very significant for rural development.
The objectives of the PhD research project 'Indigenous communication systems (farmer-to-farmer) in Nepal' are: Information about indigenous communication systems will be obtained by studying communities rarely visited by extensionists. Key innovators as well as village leaders and other key informants will be identified and interviewed in-depth. Information will also be collected from farmers representing different social groups: i.e., of different socioeconomic backgrounds and from different agro-ecological farming areas. Findings will be compared in order to reach common conclusions.
Data will be collected mostly by the techniques of rapid rural assessment. To this end a checklist of question topics will be prepared ahead of time for use in the field.
Information about indigenous communication systems will benefit development workers, extensionists and researchers. They will be able to tap into the system both to disseminate information and to receive information. This can be cost-effective for the extension system.
Contact: Eryl Haf Roberts, Dolydd, Llansadwrn, Anglesey, Gwynedd LL59 5RY, UK.

The traditional land-use and occupancy of the Waterhen First Nation in Manitoba
This is the first comprehensive study of the traditional land-use of the Waterhen First Nation. Its objective is to define the character of traditional land-use in the Waterhen Resource Area in Manitoba's interlake region, 320 kilometres northwest of Winnipeg (Canada). The people of the Waterhen First Nation use the transitional zone between the Aspen Parkland and the Boreal Forest for a significant part of their livelihood. This complex ecosystem and the traditional, integrated land-use make this area unique.
Land-use data were collected and map biographies representing hunting, fishing, trapping and plant gathering activities were produced. The data were digitized into the Map II Map Processor-- a raster-based Geographic Information System (GIS) for Macintosh computers. Thematic maps illustrate seasonal activities and a combined overlay-map summarizes the data.
Proposed large-scale forestry developments are a threat to the traditional land-use patterns. Overlay maps illustrate the impending conflict between the proposed Forest Management Plan and the traditional land-use. This area is also the habitat of the Chitek Lake wood-bison herd. If the proposed Forest Management Plan is implemented, the future of the wild wood-bison herd will be in peril. The interests of the wood bison project are critically juxtaposed to the present Forest Management Plan.
A legal evaluation is being conducted to establish the hunting, fishing and trapping rights of the Waterhen First Nation vis- à-vis the government of Manitoba.
For more information, please contact:
Karen Stock, University of Manitoba, Geography Department, 3411 Grant Avenue, Winnipeg, Manitoba 3R3 0K8 Canada.

Plants used by the Maasai of Kajiado
The Maasai of Kenya are a people in transition from pastoralism to sedentary farming. They mainly occupy two adjacent districts in southwest Kenya: Kajiado and Narok. A project to identify the plants that are valued and used by the Maasai is being carried out by the Kenya Forestry Research Institute (KEFRI). It is sponsored by the International Development Research Centre (IDRC) of Canada. KEFRI is documenting the indigenous knowledge associated with plants used in medicine, as food and in other ways. The plants are conserved in collaboration with traditional medical practitioners (TMPs) and other interested parties.
Research activities started in the Kajiado district but plans are underway to cover Narok as well. This is in compliance with the 'one-community-at-a-time' approach (ACATA). Even though this approach might be slow, it is systematic and is likely to yield scientific data that is more reliable and more exhaustive.
Up to now some 25 plant species have been identified and categorized according to their use: medicinal (human/livestock), nutritional (tubers, fruits, and vegetables), religious or miscellaneous (for building houses and making traditional furniture and implements). Among the identifying factors are salinity tolerance, and requirements in terms of soil fertility and water supply.
For more information please contact:
M.T.E. Mbuvi (for the KEFRI director), P.O. Box 20412, Nairobi, Kenya.

Development initiatives in Salta Province, Argentina: analysis of the period 1969-1992
The specific objectives of the study were:

Between January and August of 1993, officers of various government agencies were interviewed, and records and reports were studied. Access to government files was indirect, so there are gaps in the information. Nevertheless, records were found of 340 initiatives, 40.89% of which were never implemented. Budget information was available for 32.06% of the proposed projects. Only two evaluation reports could be examined: for education projects supported by the Inter-American Development Bank.
All projects began with a statement of the need to respect Indian cultures, yet only five initiatives were related to hunting, fishing or logging. Not a single proposal went beyond the idea of rescuing indigenous knowledge; not one suggested that sustainable development could be promoted through activities that build upon indigenous hunting and gathering practices.
The Indians are the first link in the system by which products of this region are being commercialized: principally wood, furs, skins, pets and fish. Under the influence of traders from outside who impose their own values, the Indians have practically devastated the populations of capibara and caiman that were once abundant in the rivers Pilcomaye and Bermejo.
One problem is that outsiders who are concerned about indigenous knowledge and the environment have tended to romanticize the relationship between Indians and the environment, without analysing it properly--without considering that the Indians' use of resources is influenced by such factors as technology, communication infrastructure and the demands of the larger society. The fact that capital accumulation is not an objective of the indigenous economy has also been ignored.
As long as projects have mechanisms that exclude the Indians (by requiring certain technical skills, organizational structures, political relationships and economic facilities)--something that occurs mainly because projects are not initiated from within the Indian communities--vertical power relationships will continue. The result is that the Indians transfer responsibility for their actions to the technicians, which means that projects fail and links of dependency are strengthened.
More information can be obtained from:
Francisco R. Barbarán, Universidad Nacional de Salta, Faculdad de Cs. Naturales, Buenos Aires 177, 4400 Salta, Argentina. Tel: +54-87-315090. Fax: +54-87-311611.

Transmission of indigenous knowledge among the Cree Indian women of Northern Canada
The Omushkegowuk Cree live along Western James Bay in Northern Ontario, where they still derive their living from the land--hunting, fishing and trapping. The Cree traditionally consider the land as their 'store' because most of their protein comes from this source. 'Bush skills' are needed to harvest and process the food from the land. Between 1990 and 1994 a study was made of how Omushkegowuk Cree women traditionally acquire bush skills, and how this process of knowledge transmission is affected by modernization.
Two communities, Moose Factory and Peawanuck, were selected for this comparative study. Field work took seven months. Quantitative data was obtained through structured interviews. Unstructured interviews were used to collect qualitative information on native learning from the older generation, since this generation did not respond well to the survey technique. Participant observation was used to document techniques for hunting moose and geese, trapping small animals and fishing.
The Cree learn mainly through observation and practice, and great value is placed on trial and error. Many elders reported that they had acquired their skills by watching others and through apprenticeship. Parents are primarily responsible for their children's education; other members of extended families are readily available to take over these responsibilities whenever needed. The age of 14 is the key age at which the Cree become competent in most of the bush skills.
Of 93 traditional bush skills, some 65% are still being transmitted in Moose Factory and 56% in Peawanuck. More and more often, however, transmission is incomplete. This is because the traditional method for transmitting knowledge--through observation, practice and apprenticeship--is incompatible with rapid social change. Modern schools compete for time with traditional apprenticeship, and the schools' influence causes a loss of interest in 'primitive' Indian ways of life. The more sedentary lives of contemporary Cree mark a major change in the educational environment, and the adoption of new technologies has raised the costs of transport.
Given the social changes which have occurred in the last half century, it is perhaps surprising that about two-thirds of the bush skills are still being transmitted among Cree women. Some of this knowledge remains at the level of elementary learning, however, and knowledge transmission is incomplete. Thus, there is an urgent need to turn this incomplete transmission into complete transmission. The transmission of bush skills to future generations will be in jeopardy unless the women who currently possess these skills choose to practice them and pass them on to their children.
Cree culture is founded on the land-based activities of hunting, trapping and fishing. Transmission of bush skills and knowledge requires an educational environment in which people participate in harvesting activities. As more people realize the importance of harvesting activities for the maintenance of their cultural identity, more Cree women will find reason for learning the bush skills themselves and then transmitting them to the young.
Contact: Kayo Ohmagari, Natural Resources Institute, University of Manitoba, 430 Dysart Road, Winnipeg, Manitoba R3T 2N2, Canada.

Gender research at the IDA
A project entitled 'Gender relations of pastoral and agropastoral production' is going on at the Institute for Development Anthropology (IDA). Under the title 'Gender and participation in the conception, planning, and implementation of development projects in the drylands', some of this work was presented to the United Nations Environment Programme at a December 1993 workshop in Nairobi. The title of the workshop was 'Listening to the people: social aspects of dryland management'. The work was based on field research conducted among pastoralists in Iran (by Jowkar) and in Niger (by Horowitz), on the work of Peter Little ('The dairy commodity system of the Kismayo region, Somalia: rural and urban dimensions, IDA Working Paper no. 52, 1989), and on a review of more than 1000 published and unpublished works dealing with women in pastoral societies. This literature review was published as 'Gender relations of pastoral and agropastoral production: a bibliography with annotations' by Forouz Jowkar, et al.
The principal findings and recommendations were published in: Michael M. Horowitz and Forouz Jowkar, 'Pastoral women and change in Africa, the Middle East, and Central Asia' (IDA Working Paper no. 91, 1992).
The study concluded that pastoral women are too important to remain neglected by development planners, or worse, to have poorly informed development planning exacerbate their victimization. The great contribution of pastoralists to the economic lives of their countries is that their animals convert the otherwise unpalatable vegetation of semi-arid and arid rangelands into useful products (meat, milk and milk products, blood, wool, hair, skin and hides, transport, traction, and manure). Pastoralists have managed to make some 50 million square kilometres of land sustainably productive around the world--land that would otherwise have little other productive use without tremendously costly and often environmentally disastrous interventions. In spite of this, pastoralists are increasingly among the poorest and least empowered of Third World populations. By highlighting the importance of women's knowledge and labour in pastoral and agropastoral production systems, and by demonstrating women's frequent disenfranchisement from cultural and economic sources of autonomy, the researchers hope that they will alert planners to the flawed assumptions that lead either to the total neglect of women or to undertakings that discriminate against them. The goal of their work is to facilitate the planning of gender-sensitive development activities that result in enduring improvements in pastoral and agropastoral well-being.
Another area of gender research at the institute has emerged from IDA work entitled 'Settlement, irrigation and river basin development', which explores the impact on women's labour of the shift from flood-recession agriculture to capital- intensive irrigation. Drawing on a long-term study of the impact of the Manantali (Mali) Dam on downstream production systems and social organization, the authors published their principal findings in: Muneera Salem-Murdock and Madiodio Niasse, 'Landuse, labour dynamics, and household production strategies: the Senegal River Valley' (IDA Working Paper no. 1993).
Some of the findings were presented at the UN conference on environment and development, in the symposium entitled 'Women and children first'. These were also published in: M. Horowitz and M. Salem-Murdock, 'River basin development policy, women and children: a case study from the Senegal River Valley', in F.C. Steady (ed) 1993 Women and children first: environment, poverty, and sustainable development.
IDA has carried out and published several other gender studies.
For more information, please contact:
Michael M. Horowitz, Institute for Development Anthropology, 99 Collier Street, P.O. Box 2207, Binghamton, NY 13902-2207, USA. Tel: +1-607-772 6244. Fax: +1-607-773 8993.



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