A group of indigenous peoples in Ecuador participated in a project which consisted in investigating and
documenting their knowledge of medicinal plants, resulting in the publication of a bilingual book in Quichua
and Spanish. Proceeds from the book are contributing to the creation of a grassroots foundation for the
documentation of local knowledge and further research. This article describes a
participatory action research project, with special emphasis on the process and product that led to the idea of
a foundation.
Indigenous knowledge: who does the documenting, and for whom?
The interdisciplinary literature on the investigation and documentation of indigenous knowledge
is growing steadily. However, this research is carried out primarily by outsiders for other outsiders. As
regards form, content, language, site and a host of other factors, the bulk of it is inaccessible to the local
communities themselves (Sutton, 1991). The almost total absence of literature on indigenous knowledge
intended for local communities, compounded by the limited access to those publications which do exist,
means that efforts in this direction fall far short of local empowerment objectives. Thrupp (1989) points to
the danger of creating 'scientized packages' of indigenous knowledge, and argues for approaches designed
to promote the empowerment of marginalized people. Centres for indigenous knowledge should not become
knowledge banks, cautions Waters-Bayer (1994:94); rather they should develop and promote
'methods to increase local people's awareness of the wealth they possess and to help them
enrich it further.' It is difficult to imagine how these goals in indigenous knowledge research can be
achieved without the direct participation of local communities. Nevertheless, there have been only sporadic
attempts to involve the local people in documenting their own knowledge (e.g., Hatch, 1983; VanDusen,
1988). The following case study from Ecuador describes a project that may have long-term implications for
the conservation of indigenous knowledge on a local level, and for empowerment aimed at self-care.
Context
The parroquia (parish) of La Esperanza is located some 10 miles southeast of
Ibarra, the capital of Imbabura province in northern Ecuador. As in many parts of the province, the
campesinos (farmers) of La Esperanza live in a number of small communities of 50 to 200
families each and populations between 200 and 800. Many subsistence-level farmers, with land holdings of
less than one or two hectares per family, live on mountain slopes between 2200 and 3300 meters above sea
level. However, not all of them own land; those who do not are usually tenant farmers or hired labourers on
nearby haciendas (large estates).
A government health centre has been in operation for over 20 years in La Esperanza. However, most illness episodes continue to be handled within a family or community context. Although the consultations at the health centre are free, there are a number of factors which combine to keep many campesinos from visiting the centre. These include the cost of prescriptions, the distance from the communities and, not least, perceived racism towards the campesinos on the part of the primarily mestizo (mixed-race) staff. Alternatives such as hospitals or private doctors in the nearby provincial capital of Ibarra all have comparable drawbacks. Thus for many campesinos, self-care by means of medicinal plants or local consultations with traditional healers or knowledgeable individuals within the community are the primary, if not the only, viable alternative. These solutions are affordable, avoid socially uncomfortable situations, and are culturally in accordance with the campesinos' conception of the origin and treatment of illness.**1
With the passing of each generation, more and more knowledge of medicinal plants is being lost, despite the continuing importance and relevance of that knowledge for the campesinos. Preventing the loss of indigenous knowledge is of real practical as well as political importance. As we have seen, this knowledge forms the basis of health care in the communities. Even if Western medicine acquires dominance over traditional medicine, its high cost, compounded by an increasingly tighter economic situation in the communities, will continue to force the campesinos to opt for less dependent and cheaper local solutions. Medicinal plants are readily available in the communities, while advice and consultations can be paid for through non-economic reciprocal exchange. Moreover, in recent years the knowledge of indigenous medicine has become a cornerstone of the cultural and ethnic revival in Ecuador.
A major cause of the loss of indigenous knowledge in La Esperanza is the disruption of traditional channels of oral communication. This has made it difficult for older generations to pass their knowledge on to younger ones. Neither children nor adults spend as much time in the communities as they used to only a generation or so ago. Most children aged 6-12 years now attend rural schools, where indigenous knowledge rarely forms an integral part of the curriculum. On the contrary, formal teaching in the communities tends to be guided by a mestizo philosophy of education. In the process, Quichua children are subtly--and sometimes not so subtly--indoctrinated with negative attitudes towards anything that is 'indigenous'. As a result, when they become adults, some of them may not value their cultural knowledge as highly as their parents or other elders before them.
The oral tranference of indigenous knowledge is also hindered by urban migration. Due to La Esperanza's proximity to Ibarra, many campesinos in the region travel to the city on a daily basis to look for work or to sell farm produce. Some are forced to migrate for much longer periods to cities further away. And finally, the loss of ethnobotanical knowledge is directly linked to the loss of biodiversity. Some campesinos remarked during the interviews that certain medicinal plants were becoming more difficult to find, necessitating trips to other communities or regions.
The project
The researcher who arrives in a community inevitably has certain pre-conceived notions about the way his
or her research will develop. In the summer of 1992, after a chance meeting with the president of
Chirihuasi, one of the La Esperanza communities, I was invited by him to undertake research there. At the
time, my interest centred on self-directed learning about health care in Andean communities. Halfway
through the interviewing phase, I noticed in subtle and indirect ways that several
campesinos were curious to know how the ongoing research could make a positive
contribution to their community. This was a valid question, one for which there were several justifications,
but ultimately no satisfactory answer. In the final analysis, a doctoral dissertation gathering dust in a library
in some elite institution could hardly be perceived by the campesinos of Chirihuasi as
having any direct bearing on their lives. Nevertheless, both the interviews and the subsequent dialogues
helped to identify a serious local concern, specifically, the loss of oral knowledge about medicinal plants.
The search for an organic solution to this problem finally led to the formulation of an objective: to
document the oral knowledge of medicinal plants in a written form which would be accessible to the
communities themselves. In this sense, the idea for the project grew out of local needs, and emerged
through a dialogical process initiated by the campesinos.
The actual project began in February 1993. The scope of the investigation was extended to include knowledge originating from any community in the region which was interested in participating. The research phase lasted three months, followed by the analysis of the data and the preparation of the book, which took an additional seven months. In January of 1994, the book was launched locally.
The administrative basis for the project was provided by a grassroots organization called Union de Organizaciones y Comunidades Indigenas de Angochagua, La Esperanza, y Caranqui (UNOCIAE-C). Run by four elected campesinos from the region, the UNOCIAE-C represents 18 communities, serving as a political voice and a link to other local organizations at regional, provincial and national levels. Following the presentation of the project objectives at an annual gathering of community leaders, formal invitations to participate were sent by the UNOCIAE-C to each community.
Interested communities were asked to select two participants, on the basis of the following requirements:
Six of the eighteen communities expressed an interest, but initially the majority were unable to find a campesina (female farmer). In some cases, there was resistance to the participation of younger campesinas from the parents or husbands, who seemed to be wary of possible liaisons formed in mixed-gender situations away from their community. Other possible candidates, such as middle-aged and older women, did not step forward because of the literacy condition. However, when this stipulation was relaxed somewhat, a number of women did express an interest in participating. Ultimately, 12 campesinos--six men and six women--joined the three co-ordinating members of the UNOCIAE-C and the author to form the team which would formally take part in the project.**3
A short bilingual questionnaire was developed by the co-ordinators, to obtain the following information on the medicinal plants: local name(s) in Quichua and Spanish, description, local plant habitat, corresponding illness, symptoms and causes of illness, method for preparing the remedy, administration and other non-medicinal uses. These topics were identified in a group session, on the basis of suggestions made by the local co-ordinators and the author. In addition, certain questions were included which were intended to identify the key members of the community or the family who were regularly consulted because of their knowledge of medicinal plants.
A training session was conducted by the co-ordinators for the benefit of community participants who were unfamiliar with the contents of the questionnaire. During this session, all the participants in the project were paired up and asked to interview and document one another's knowledge of medicinal plants. This was intended to pre-test the questionnaire, i.e., to clear up any misunderstandings in the wording. Most importantly, it provided the participants with an opportunity to gain hands-on experience with an unfamiliar exercise, both as interviewer and interviewee.
Following the training session, the participants were free to interview anyone they wished, preferably in their own community, and to complete the questionnaires in the language they preferred. All the participants met once a week to discuss their experiences and to review the completed questionnaires. As far as possible, all important project decisions were taken collectively. These included addressing individual concerns, planning the direction of the project, dealing with financial matters and setting a target number of questionnaires to be completed per week.
Upon the termination of the interviewing phase, the local co-ordinators decided that the funding situation did not permit a regular financial compensation to the participants. At best, a modest compensation would be possible at the end of the project. However, the participants were free to continue with the project under the altered financial conditions. It is worth noting that half the participants continued to participate. At this stage the group included seven of the initial local participants (five women) and another interested campesino who had not previously participated.
In the post-interview phase, the information obtained by means of the questionnaires was categorized according to the individual plants. It was verified for its validity and consistency during group sessions attended by all the remaining participants. Those plant remedies on which there was some general consensus within the group were rewritten by the smaller group, on the basis of the responses to the questionnaires and the suggestions from the participants. Remedies for which no confirmation could be obtained were laid aside for further investigation.
The book
From the very beginning of the project, the central idea was to document the knowledge of medicinal plants
and make it available to the communities. It was not entirely clear whether this information would be
published, but the idea of creating a pamphlet or booklet for local purposes was discussed. The full
realization of the wealth of knowledge which had been gathered gradually dawned on the group in the
course of the investigation, as oral knowledge began to take on a written form.
Nucanchic panpa janpicuna: Plantas medicinales del campo (Our knowledge of medicinal plants), is a bilingual book in Quichua and Spanish which documents the knowledge of medicinal plants originating from six of the La Esperanza communities (Kothari and UNOCIAE-C, 1993)**4. The final manuscript produced by the campesinos was in Spanish, but was later translated into Quichua by two people at the provincial bureau of bilingual education.
The book was designed by the author, with the campesinos in mind. The text, in both Quichua and Spanish, reflects the flavour of the languages as they are spoken and understood by the campesinos in the region. The information is presented in a structured, consistent and simple format. The left-hand page is in Quichua and the corresponding information in Spanish is presented on the right-hand page. Embedded in the Quichua part are pictorial representations (icons) to complement the text. The iconic depiction of the preparation and administration of each remedy is designed as an extra aid to understanding, especially for those campesinos who are only partially literate. The book also includes a drawing of each plant, the local name in Quichua and Spanish, and the Latin name. A total of 400 copies of the book were presented to the leaders of the participating communities; responsibility for distribution within the community was left to them.
The idea of a local foundation for indigenous knowledge research
All proceeds from the sale of the book are ploughed back into the communities, and this is to contribute to
the creation of a local Foundation of Indigenous Wisdom (Fundacion Sabiduria Indigena, or FSI). Just as
the idea for the original project grew out of a dialogue, the idea of the FSI was not initiated by one person.
In the summer of 1994, six months after the publication of the book, those participants who saw the
documentation project through to its completion regrouped in La Esperanza, in order to deal with certain
aspects of the research which had been overlooked or left out due to inconclusive information. This
follow-up research phase was funded in part by proceeds from the sale of the book, following
announcements about the project on the Internet. The big question throughout the renewed two-month
research effort was how to arrive at a sustainable strategy for continued local research. A related aspect was
the necessity of ensuring proper management of the expected proceeds from the sale of the book in Ecuador
and abroad. The author's suggestion--a local organization for indigenous knowledge research--met with the
group's approval. The foundation was subsequently named, a bank account opened, and the organizing
committee, consisting of a president, a vice-president and a treasurer, elected among the local participants.
In order not to mislead the reader, it should be noted here that at present the foundation is in the nature of an idea that has yet to germinate. The bottleneck so far has been funding. The total proceeds generated by the book, while meaningful, can only be described as modest (around US $ 1000). This means that as yet the FSI does not enjoy the attributes of an established foundation, such as ministerial recognition, a fixed location and a regular staff. Nevertheless, the motivation and renewed interest in medicinal plant knowledge generated by the project, not only among the participants but also in their communities, provide a fertile ground for the foundation's latent possibilities. Although still in its infancy, the foundation is attempting to channel its energies specifically towards the conservation and documentation of indigenous knowledge, primarily for and by indigenous peoples. This objective makes it one of the few organizations of its kind in Ecuador, if not the only one.
The indigenous movement in Ecuador is gathering momentum at an unprecedented rate. Understandably, it is largely political in nature, and the emphasis is on constitutional reforms and land rights. Although the preservation of culture is an important theme in the rhetoric of many indigenous organizations, the conservation of indigenous knowledge and culture is less prioritized, in view of the more pressing political issues. Thus the documentation of indigenous knowledge and further research within the existing framework of politically active indigenous organizations may meet with difficulties.
The idea of the FSI in La Esperanza has the potential to give the conservation of indigenous knowledge the priority which it deserves, and which might be difficult to find and sustain in the political climate of the UNOCIAE-C. If successful, the conservation efforts of the participants in the project, which started with the documentation of ethnobotanical knowledge, may ultimately enjoy both continuity and financial independence, making possible an expansion to other areas of indigenous knowledge.
Future projects
The FSI has planned two projects for the immediate future. The first will attempt to document
ethnoveterinary practices throughout the region, while the second, which is to run simultaneously, will assist
in the creation of medicinal plant gardens in the communities. These gardens will be located both on
community land and on private plots belonging to the community members who are key actors in the
preservation of medicinal plant knowledge. In addition, the drying and pressing of plants has been initiated,
with a view to ultimately creating a local herbarium. The foundation is also lobbying the bureau of bilingual
education to integrate the book into the rural school curriculum for the entire province.
The long-term goals of the foundation include:
Acknowledgements
The article benefited greatly from the many relevant questions raised by the editor and from Ms Bernadette
Joseph's comments on an earlier draft.
References
Hatch, J.K. (1983) Our knowledge: Traditional farming practices in rural Bolivia. Volumes
I-III. New York: Rural Development Services.
Kothari, B. and UNOCIAE-C (1993) Nucanchic panpa janpicuna: Plantas medicinales del campo. Quito: Ediciones Abya-Yala.
Sutton, D.E. (1991) 'Is anybody out there?: Anthropology and the question of audience', Critique of Anthropology 11(1): 91-104.
Thrupp, L.N. (1989) 'Legitimizing local knowledge: "Scientized packages" or empowerment for third world people', pp. 138-153 in D.M. Warren, L.J. Slikkerveer and S.O. Titilola (eds) Indigenous knowledge systems: Implications for agriculture and international development. Ames: Studies in Technology and Social Change Program No. 11.
VanDusen J.K. (1988) El Consejero Guanacasteco: Por campesinos y campesinas Guanacastecos. San Jose: Litografia e Imprenta LIL, S.A.
Waters-Bayer, A. (1994) 'Studying pastoral women's knowledge in milk processing and marketing--For whose empowerment?', Agriculture and Human Values 11(2&3): 85-95.
Endnotes
**1 The campesinos' concepts of the cause and treatment of
illness are not further explored
in this article.
**2 The author wishes to thank the Latin American Studies Program at Cornell University for providing a travel grant and Sint Truiden College in Belgium for covering the cost of printing the books that were eventually distributed in the communities. Our special thanks go to Robert Lynch and Dona Blackwood for their contribution, and to Gautam Basu for his commitment to funding the project, should that be necessary.
**3 For a list of participants, see Kothari and UNOCIAE-C, 1993: V).
**4 Interested people can order the book from the following address:
Fundacion Sabiduria Indigena, c/o
Brij Kothari, 160 Westview Lane, Ithaca, NY 14850, USA. Cost: US $ 12.00 (includes US $ 2.00 for
shipping). Please make your check payable to "Fundacion Sabiduria Indigena" in US currency. All proceeds
go to the communities.