Norma H. Wolff
Bolanle Wahab
The resilience of Yoruba indigenous hand-woven cloth industries has
been proven again and again, as forces of change have tested the readiness of
weavers to adapt to shifts in taste, competition from outside markets,
changing technologies, and the lure of modern-sector occupations. Although the
textile taxonomy presented in this article is preliminary and still in
progress, it is an example of indigenous knowledge in action, where choices
are constantly being made on the basis of contemporary tastes and markets.
The value of eliciting taxonomies to reveal the local knowledge of local communities about their natural and cultural world has been appreciated by anthropologists and developers for several decades (e.g., Conklin 1972; Spradley 1979; Brown 1984; Werner 1987; Berlin 1992). In an early statement on the significance of indigenous knowledge, Brokensha, Warren, and Werner (1980) stressed the importance of 'ethnotaxonomies' for development**1. They admit that while full ethnotaxonomical studies require 'formidable resources', 'there are simple methods to elicit the main features of an indigenous classificatory system', and, they add, 'it is not essential to drink deep: a little knowledge can be put to good use' (Brokensha et al.: 1980:3). The study described below illustrates how gratifying 'a small drink' of indigenous knowledge, as reflected in taxonomic research, can be to scholars, developers and the local community.
Taxonomies and the crafts
Development-oriented taxonomic research has taken an applied stance by
directing attention to the use of indigenous knowledge in decision-making,
particularly in agricultural contexts where taxonomies on crop varieties and
soil types play a vital role. The taxonomies that underlie craft production,
by contrast, have been neglected, because the focus has been on the
introduction of new technologies in development rather than encouraging the
old. These taxonomies receive little attention, despite the role they play in
structuring the indigenous knowledge which underlies handicraft industries in
the informal sector of developing economies**2. In the
light of that role, they are well worth study.
Craft taxonomies differ significantly from those used to classify the natural world. As structured knowledge, they are more variable and dynamic than classification systems for plants, soils, and animals; the labels in a craft taxonomy refer to 'artifacts,' which are products of human behaviour and intent and gain new meaning within an ever-changing cultural context. A folk classification system that encapsulates the knowledge needed to create the products of a craft tradition must favour continuity if the tradition is to continue over time, but it must also be flexible enough to incorporate innovation and change. The introduction of new technologies and materials, consumer goods and cultural influences from outside greatly affect indigenous craft production. Crafts can change so quickly that the old and the new become linked in a single indigenous knowledge system.
Research
The aso-oke handwoven cloth industry of the Yoruba of southwestern
Nigeria is an indigenous craft tradition which remains vigorous in a world of
rapid change. The cloth taxonomy presented here, elicited from Yoruba master
weavers in 1993-1994, demonstrates how indigenous knowledge is structured and
yet is ever-expanding to integrate the new. In 1993 Wolff and Wahab began to
document the emic labels which Yoruba weavers attach to different types and
patterns of Yoruba textiles, as part of a larger project to discover the
taxonomies attached to the full range of Yoruba arts. Weavers were interviewed
in several towns noted for indigenous textile production in southwestern
Nigeria. Questionnaire interviews were used to elicit the terms used to label
and talk about the wide range of strip cloth made by the weavers, and the
criteria they used to distinguish types and assess the products. Wahab,
drawing upon his own expertise as a member of a weaving lineage and a trained
craftsman, played a key role in finalizing the taxonomy. We consider this
aso-oke taxonomy to be a preliminary and simplified version of what
will ultimately be a much more elaborate model, incorporating the knowledge
not only of master weavers but of traders and consumers as well.
Among the Yoruba of southwestern Nigeria, aso-oke (narrow-strip cloth woven on the horizontal loom**3) has retained its economic and cultural importance for well over two centuries. Today, aso- oke is being produced by the ton to meet the demands of rural and urban Yoruba and other ethnic groups, who use it for indigenous clothing. While new materials (notably metallic lurex thread) have been added to produce a highly modern strip-cloth called shain-shain, the basic form of aso- oke has changed little over the centuries. The resilience of indigenous aso-oke textile industries has been proven repeatedly, as forces of cultural change have tested the craftspersons' readiness to adapt to continuous shifts in taste, competition from outside markets, changing technologies, dwindling local supplies of raw materials, inflation, intrusive government development policies and projects, and the lure of modern sector occupations, which draw away the work force.
The capacity of craftspeople to integrate old and new traditions into a single classification system became evident after only a few interviews with Yoruba weavers on the attributes of different aso-oke types. The weavers distinguish between two basic types of narrow strip cloth, according to the material used in weaving:
When asked to enumerate textile types of aso owu riran, three labels initially appeared on the list of every weaver: aso sanyan, aso etu and aso alaari. The colour of the yarn is of great importance in identifying these subtypes. Sanyan is the natural tan colour of wild silk, etu yarn is dyed a deep blue with indigenous indigo dyes, and the red of alaari can be produced with camwood or other local vegetable dyes, although there is little evidence that indigenous red dye is being used nowadays. While thin stripes of additional colours may be added, the base colours of beige, dark blue and red are constant. Once the yarn is woven into strips, it is these colours that take primacy in the identification of these three cloths by both weavers and consumers. The colours parallel the three basic colour terms of the Yoruba language and in indigenous belief are thought 'to possess moral as well as aesthetic qualities' (Euba, 1986).
To wear garments of sanyan, etu and alaari which display these colours is the ultimate visual statement of ethnic pride and self-worth for many Yorubas. However, the time-honoured aso owu riran made with handspun thread is becoming increasingly rare. Weavers complain that working with handspun thread slows down the weaving process. It is more difficult to work with because it is not as strong as machine-spun thread, is prone to tangling, and does not provide the smooth-textured cloth which contemporary consumers prefer. Today, cloth made with handspun thread is produced only on commission and sold at significantly higher prices than the cloth made with machine spun thread.
Despite the decline in production, there is still a continuing, though limited, demand for sanyan, etu and alaari for clothes to be worn on occasions where individuals want to express their 'Yorubaness'. In weaving centres such as the town of Iseyin, weavers now produce aso owu riran in the familiar colours, sometimes even using natural dyes, but using machine-spun cotton thread. This cloth sells as sanyan, etu and alaari in the markets, where few consumers are concerned about differences in threads. In the popular mind the colour takes precedence over the materials used in production. However, the weavers distinguish between the two when discussing cloth types and indicate the difference on their mental templates, the internalized rules of production associated with particular types of aso-oke which are part of the weavers' craft knowledge system. For example, a cotton cloth of machine-spun thread dyed with vegetable colours to resemble the natural colour of the native silk of sanyan is called kugu. Like sanyan, kugu is used to make clothing for important social events and, because of its colour, projects the same culturally important message. Sanyan made from wild silk and kugu made from dyed cotton are of a distinctive colour, which has a cultural significance quite unlike any of the colours used in more modern aso owu eebo cloth types. The similar colour and function override considerations of materials, so that in the taxonomy, kugu has become a kind of sanyan.
Aso owu eebo
The second major category of handwoven cloth, aso owu eebo, made
with
pre-dyed machine-spun thread, is made in a variety of colours. However,
thread, not colour, is the prime attribute used to identify the different
types. Three major categories are distinguished, each with a distinctively
different surface texture, depending on the kind of thread used. Aso
olowu, made from cotton thread, has a matte finish similar to the older
handspun types, but smoother. Olowu may be a plain weave with stripes
(oboro), or it can be made with weft-float designs on one surface or
double-sided patterns incorporated into the weave (olona). Aso
shain-shain, made with lurex and cotton thread**4,
is characterized by a reflective, slightly rough surface that catches the
light and sparkles. Aso siliki is a heavy cloth made with rayon or
silk thread, which produces a smooth lustrous surface. Note that as the
threads used in weaving begin to vary significantly from the native cotton and
indigenous silk, English loan words are used as labels. In contemporary
Nigeria, the use of English indicates that a person has chosen to be linked to
the modern world. Thus we have textile types whose very labels appeal to this
desire for modernity--shain-shain ('shine-shine') and
siliki
(silk).
Today, in the mid-1990s, shain-shain is the most fashionable of the aso owu eebo cloth types. Around the 1960s, shiny lurex thread began to be incorporated into cotton aso-oke olowu in the form of thin stripes. Initially, small amounts were brought back from Egypt by Muslim weavers who had gone on a pilgrimage to Mecca. The amount of lurex thread available gradually increased, until the shiny thread dominated the surface of the cloth, leading to the production of a new cloth type, aso-oke shain-shain. Considered a lightweight modern cloth, shain-shain is popular for its connotations of modernity; when tailored in indigenous clothing styles, it remains distinctly Yoruba. It is produced in endless varieties, and fashions in colour and stripe combinations come and go. Novelty is prized and innovation rewarded.
One innovation, widely copied, involves using a twisted weft of cotton and lurex thread. The result, a cloth which sparkles more brightly than 'ordinary' shain-shain, was dubbed ojunsoro which translates to 'the eye is winking'. It quickly became popular with the public and was widely copied by many weavers, although there were some who merely used the name, but neglected to incorporate the technological innovation. Another recent novelty involves crossing lurex warp and weft threads in small areas to produce bright metallic patterns. In 1993 this distinctive cloth was christened shain-shain jakadi, linking it to the prestigious and expensive jacquard import cloth popular at that time. The speed of change in fashionable textile types is demonstrated by the emergence of yet another shain- shain type: Jakadi satin, which has larger areas of metallic patterns, made its appearance in 1994. This was in response to the growing popularity of machine-woven satin jacquard, an even more prestigious and expensive import cloth which only the most wealthy could afford to buy. Attaching the labels of jakadi and jakadi satin to shain-shain cloth types called the consumers' attention to a form of popular prestige cloth which is cheaper and more widely available.
The labels attached by weavers to their newer cloth types such, as shain-shain jakadi and satin are evidence of the degree to which the craftspeople understand their market. Contemporary Yorubas are very much attune to fashion, and this is reflected in a never-ending variety of textiles available for clothing. The markets and shops throughout Yorubaland stock both imported and indigenous fabric, and machine- and hand-crafted textiles. Experimentation with new materials and labelling the products of such innovations are indicative of the adaptive strategies that characterize the production behaviours of the Yoruba weavers of aso-oke. The labels play a role in keeping their products competitive, in the face of the challenges now facing the market for indigenous cloth in the form of new imports and the products of Nigeria's industrial textile industry.
'Fashion names,' when attached to new patterns of aso owu eebo, can play a significant role in increasing the desirability of particular cloth patterns for aso-oke consumers. The labels increase the visibility of a particular type in the market; consumers can ask for it by name, while at the same time the label provides a verbal cue that activates the mental template for the weavers to replicate it or use it as a basis for innovation. Fashion names can refer to many things, e.g., colours ('rainbow'), historical events ('keep right'), an important dignitary ('ododo Muritala'), social types ('onibeji, parent of twins'), a state of being ('miliki, pleasure'), a place ('Abuja') and modern trends ('cocaine'). Fashion names aid in merchandising cloth by linking it to local events, but are very much a phenomenon of the here-and-now. The fashion name 'keep right' was a reference to a change in national road laws in the early 1970s. Local popularity is reflected in the label 'Calenda', a reference to a cloth that became popular in the early 1990s after it was seen in the portrait of a local dignitary on a calendar. 'Abuja', a reference to the new Nigerian capital city built in the 1980s at great expense, is used to label an extremely expensive double-sided reversible cloth with weft-float patterns (olona oju meji). Fashion names not only pinpoint certain patterns in time, they are also evidence of the fleeting nature of the patterns of aso owu eebo which come and go, as fashion dictates. In contrast, there are no fashion names for the various types of aso owu riran cloth, for these represent a kind of anti-fashion textile whose unchanging attributes are prized for their timeless quality and deep cultural significance.
Conclusion
The Yorubas' appreciation of fashion is expressed in the variety of textile
types available today; but they are also drawn to the historically significant
textiles that express anti-fashion and pride in cultural heritage. This
fondness for both old and new, traditional and modern, is reflected in the elicited
taxonomy of Yoruba textile types. The taxonomy
that developed from our research on Yoruba textiles thus far is evidence of
the ability of craftspeople to respond to a changing economy, technological
innovations and modernizing tastes. The aso-oke categories reveal a
continual re-invention of the craft, in answer to a changing cultural milieu.
The taxonomy exemplifies indigenous knowledge in action, where constant
choices are being made on the basis of contemporary tastes and markets.
A craft taxonomy, whether for textiles or any other indigenous art, is an important document for the developer. First, the history of a craft is exemplified in the juxtaposition of categories based on old and new techniques, materials and product types. Secondly, the taxonomic labels, with their defining attributes, encapsulate the 'know-how' of a craft. As verbal cues, they trigger mental templates to guide production, and underlie all decision-making pertaining to that craft. A taxonomy of a craft reveals the state of that art in the ever-changing contemporary setting. As a means of gaining insight into the dynamics of craft industries in a development context, the eliciting of taxonomies can prove invaluable.
Norma H. Wolff
Iowa State University
Department of Anthropology
319 Curtiss Hall
Ames
Iowa 50011
USA
Fax: +1-515-294 1708
E-mail: nhwolff@iastate.edu
Bolanle Wahab
The Polytechnic Ibadan
Department of Town and Regional Planning
Ibadan
Nigeria
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Endnotes
**1 Recent studies on the importance of indigenous taxonomies are included in The cultural dimension of development: Indigenous knowledge systems edited by D.M. Warren, L.J. Slikkerveer and D. Brokensha and published in 1995. These include B. Rajasekaran and D.M. Warren 'Indigenous taxonomies and decision making systems of rice farmers in South Asia' (202-210); S.R. Babu, D.M. Warren and B. Rajasekaran 'Expert systems for indigenous knowledge in crop varietal selection' (211-217); M.A. Altieri and A. Yurjevic 'The Latin American Consortium on agroecology and development (CLADES)--Fostering rural development based on indigenous knowledge' (458-463); E. Mathias-Mundy and C.M. McCorkle 'Ethnoveterinary medicine and development: A review of the literature' (488-498).
**2 The pioneering work by Warren and Andrews (1977) on Akan craft remains a unique taxonomic study of the living craft traditions of an ethnic group.
**3 Woven on the narrow-band horizontal loom, the 4-inch- wide strips are cut into 7-foot lengths to be used in the construction of clothing. The wide choice of types and colours of thread used to make up patterns of warp and weft stripes, together with the weft float patterns, allow the weavers to devise infinite varieties of patterns which dictate or follow fashion.
**4 Shain-shain is a plain-weave cloth; the cotton thread weft adds strength, but the lurex warp threads are what show on the surface of the cloth.
**5 Level V labels are not discussed in detail in this article. This category refers to secondary weaving processes which alter the surface of the textile for decorative affect.