Biodiversity and the appropriation of women's knowledge

Helen Zweifel

In the past few years research institutions and development organizations have 'discovered' the relevance of men farmers' indigenous knowledge of genetic resource management and, after some delay, that of women farmers as well. At the same time, attention has been drawn to the global need to conserve biological diversity. This article argues that interest in women's knowledge and in biodiversity should be seen in the wider context of international economic and agricultural policies.

The Convention on Biological Diversity, which was signed at the Rio Earth Summit in June 1992, explicitly recognizes in its preambles 'the vital role that women play in the conservation and sustainable use of biological diversity', and affirms 'the need for the full participation of women at all levels of policy-making and implementation for biological diversity conservation' (UNDP 1992:2). Acknowledging the indigenous knowledge of women would be an important step towards new paradigms on sustainable resource use for development and research. On the other hand, local knowledge could be used against the people by the current official development strategy and approaches (Fernandes 1994:12). In a broader context, the recent interest in indigenous knowledge coincides with progress in modern biotechnology's and a rush towards the world-wide implementation of intellectual property rights. Not only is there a need to understand and revalidate women's roles as custodians of biodiversity, this also raises policy issues related to the appropriation of women's knowledge of, and control over, genetic resources. The present article argues that interest in women's knowledge and in biodiversity should be seen in the wider context of international economic and agricultural policies. It will focus on two key questions: 1) Who will benefit from information and studies on women's indigenous knowledge? 2) Will research on women's indigenous knowledge contribute to the autonomy of women and give them better access to, and control over, such vital resources as seeds, information, assets, and decision-making power?

Women as experts on biodiversity
Biodiversity--the totality of genetic resources, varieties and ecosystems--is the very foundation of life on earth. The food security of local communities--and the global community--is based on biodiversity in fields and forests. Biodiversity is of great economic value for plant breeding and new industrial uses. The maintenance of yields and resistance depends upon access to a wide range of genetic material. The industrialized countries have benefited enormously from the intellectual contributions of Third World farmers and indigenous communities, through the acquisition of genetic resources (Mooney 1993:175). In addition to its monetary value, the richness of biodiversity ensures the present and future stability of the food supply, as well as the adaptation of natural ecosystems to changing climatic conditions. But the 'centres of genetic diversity', most of which are located in the South, are threatened with extinction. The present economic world order, the destruction of natural habitats, and the widespread introduction of uniform highbred seeds undermine the very concept of sustainable development, by destroying the options for development. On the local level, biodiversity loss threatens the sustenance of local communities, as biodiversity provides food, fibres, medicines and other products that ensure subsistence and income. Because of the social differentiation according to gender, women in most societies play a significant role in managing the diversity of the ecosystem, since they are responsible for sustaining the livelihood of the family. They have developed multiple strategies for their farming systems, almost all of which are based on a sophisticated management of genetic diversity (Bunning and Hill 1996; Mehta 1996; Opole 1996; Rocheleau 1995; Shiva 1994). In fact, it is women who are the real experts on biodiversity. Peasant women know the nutritional needs of their families, as well as the nutritive content of the crops they grow. To spread the risk of crop failure, women cultivate a wide variety of traditional crops, and also practice intercropping and crop diversification in the field and in their kitchen gardens. Almost all biodiversity within reach of rural societies is used, developed and maintained by local women. The so-called 'wild' species, which require little external input and capital, are part of the local agro-ecosystem and of vital importance to the poor. For women in Burkina Faso, for instance, the leaves and fruits of the trees in the Sahel, alongside wild roots and tubers, grasses and herbs, form an important part of the daily diet of their families, and are also a welcome source of cash income (Coulibaly 1993). The contribution of women in terms of labour and skills, and to an even greater extent, their decisions about how natural resources are used and managed in order to satisfy the multiple needs of the household, are still overlooked or misunderstood. While on a mission to collect germplasm in Southern Sudan, Trygve Berg discovered 'by accident' the local plant-breeding activities. 'We came to a village where, after some discussion with the people, we thought we had been granted permission to take some heads of sorghum. But on picking the sorghum, a woman came shouting furiously after us' (Berg 1994:75). Eventually he realized that it was the woman, the mother of the family, who was responsible for the seed. Before harvesting could start, she would select the best sorghum heads. It was strictly forbidden to remove seeds before she had made her selection. After this eye-opener, the scientist became aware of the long and sophisticated selection process preceding the event, the careful observations made by women, and the long discussions within the family about the best sorghum. In most societies in Africa, Asia and Latin America, the care of seeds has traditionally been in the hands of women, who develop a broad spectrum of well-adapted crop varieties. The vital role of women in selection and plant breeding in traditional systems has given them a position of influence, power and respect (Shiva 1994). However, the modernization of agriculture and the growing emphasis on market-based transactions are contributing to the gradual erosion of local knowledge systems. On the one hand, there is evidence that because of modernization and emigration, the relevance of women's local knowledge is growing. In Kenya, for instance, the indigenous knowledge of men is declining, as a result of formal schooling and emigration, while women not only retain a high and widely shared level of general knowledge about wild foods, crafts and medicinal plants, but also acquire new--men's--knowledge about natural resources, as roles and duties change (Rocheleau 1995:13). On the other hand, with the modernization of agriculture and the destruction of biodiversity, both the relevance of women's knowledge and their status, notably as keepers of the seed, are being eroded. An elderly woman in Northern India, selecting seeds for storage, commented on the changes: 'It takes a sharp eye, a sensitive hand and a lot of patience to tell the difference between these seeds. But these are not the things that are honoured any more' (Mehta 1996:200).

Appropriation of women's indigenous knowledge
The growing interest in women's indigenous knowledge on the part of researchers does not necessarily imply an appreciation of their knowledge, skills and capabilities. Studies of women's indigenous knowledge may even harm them. With the emergence of modern biotechnology, living resources have gone from being the very basis of sustenance to being the 'raw material' for industry. It is of strategic importance for biotechnology companies to have open access to, and control over, a wide range of genetic resources. Biologists, agronomists, social anthropologists and other scientists in the service of the industry scour the forests, bush, fields and markets of the South in search of genetic material and the knowledge of local people. The appropriation of women's indigenous knowledge and the destruction of traditional seed exchange systems may take different forms. As we have seen, scientists tend to 'overlook' the fact that women are plant breeders and experts in local biodiversity. In some cases they fail to perceive women's knowledge as real knowledge, often referring to it as 'primitive' and 'intuitive'. In the international system, only the breeding which takes place in the scientific laboratories of the North is valued as a 'creative act', one which is protected by 'intellectual property rights'. No value is attached to the time and labour which women farmers and whole communities invest into creating and conserving diversity. The patenting of live plants, animals and micro-organisms will strengthen the control of international companies over genetic resources. A patent gives a company monopoly control over individual genes, plants, animals and processes. Until now, private companies in the North have obtained their source material freely from the fields and forests, since it was regarded as the 'common heritage of mankind'. The Convention on Biological Diversity now recognizes in principle the innovative contributions of women and men farmers, and indigenous communities as a whole, and stipulates that there must be fair and equal sharing of benefits arising out of the commercialization of resources. However, this leaves many questions unanswered. The Global Plan of Action for the conservation and sustainable utilization of plant genetic resources for food and agriculture (GPA), which was passed in Leipzig in June 1996, fails to recognize the contributions of farming communities and the need for an equitable sharing of benefits (Dasgupta 1996). There are a few private companies and research organizations (Merck-InBio, Shaman Pharmaceuticals, Body Shop) which recognize the value of women's and men's indigenous knowledge. They use local people as informants, and have proposed private sector arrangements with local communities or the State to compensate for commercial exploitation. However, these agreements raise many questions about just and equal compensation for indigenous knowledge (Zerner and Kennedy 1996). The most fundamental impact of extending patent laws on living organisms is the denial of the age-old right of farmers to save seeds from one growing season for use in the next, to exchange material, and to experiment. Breeders will no longer have free access to germplasm for developing new varieties (The Crucible Group 1994:65). The Trade-Related Intellectual Property Agreement of GATT, which only accepts the Northern, industrialized model of innovation, is one of the means to privatization. Owing to the globalization of the intellectual property system, the traditional systems for the informal exchange of seed are being undermined, and systems of social and economic security, in which women have always played a vital role, are being destroyed.

Conclusions
It is important to expand research programmes to explore and record the knowledge of women and their specific ways of using and maintaining diverse natural resources. There is also a need to raise public awareness concerning the role of gender in the conservation and sustainable use of natural resources (Quiroz 1994). However, a clear distinction must be made between 'extractive research' and 'enhancing research' to empower women. In the global system of intellectual property rights as currently implemented, there is a danger that women's indigenous knowledge will be extracted, patented and sold for the benefit of industry and research institutions in the North. In the form of patented seeds and plants, it will further undermine women's autonomy and their access to, and control over, vital resources. The acknowledgement of women's knowledge would lead to the conclusion that women must play a key role as decision-makers in establishing the direction of research and research programmes. The participation of women--from the very beginning and on all levels--is crucial. Participation is understood to involve responsibility, trust and co-operation, not just consultation to help implement outside innovation more efficiently. This means 'empowerment' for women, giving them more autonomy and decision-making power over their own lives and circumstances. On the international level, discussions on the implementation of the Biodiversity Convention, the GPA and Farmer's Rights (Bunning and Hill 1996) should focus attention on alternative intellectual rights systems, and rights to compensation for women and local communities. This also requires the participation of women farmers and the recognition of their contributions to the design and elaboration of such policies and programmes.

Helen Zweifel
Centre for Development and Environment
Institute of Geography, University of Bern
Hallerstrasse 12
CH-3012 Bern
Switzerland
Tel +41-31-6318822
Fax +41-31-6318544
E-mail: zweifel@giub.unibe.ch

Highlights
- In most societies women play a significant role in managing the diversity of the ecosystem.
- The care of seeds has traditionally been entrusted to women.
- Scientists tend to 'overlook' the fact that women are plant breeders and experts in local biodiversity.

References
Berg, T. (1993) 'The science of plant breeding - Support or alternative to traditional practices?' pp. 72-77 in W. de Boef, K. Amanor and K. Wellard (eds) Cultivating knowledge, genetic diversity, farmer experimentation and crop research. London: Intermediate Technology Publications Ltd.
Bunning, S. and C. Hill (1996) Farmers' Rights in the conservation and use of plant genetic resources: A gender perspective. Paper presented at the Second Extraordinary Session of the FAO Commission on Genetic Resources for Food and Agriculture, 22-27 April 1996.
Coulibaly, S. (1992) Femmes, immigration et gestion des ressources naturelles au Burkina Faso. Unpublished paper.
Dasgupta, S. (1996) 'The genepool war' pp. 20-21 in Down to earth, June 1996.
Fernandez, P.G. (1994) Indigenous seed practices for sustainable agriculture. Indigenous Knowledge and Development Monitor 2(2): 9-12.
Mehta, M. (1996) 'Our lives are no different from that of our buffaloes' pp. 180-210 in D. Rocheleau, Barbara Thomas-Slayter and Esther Wangari (eds) Feminist political ecology, global issues and local experiences. London & New York: Routledge.
Mooney, P.R. (1993) 'Exploiting local knowledge: International policy implications' pp. 172-78 in W. de Boef, K. Amanor and K. Wellard (eds) Cultivating knowledge, genetic diversity, farmer experimentation and crop research. London: Intermediate Technology Publications Ltd.
Opole, M. (1993) 'Revalidating women's knowledge on indigenous vegetables: Implications for policy' pp. 157-164 in W. de Boef, K. Amanor and K. Wellard (eds) Cultivating knowledge, genetic diversity, farmer experimentation and crop research. London: Intermediate Technology Publications Ltd.
Quiroz, C. (1994) 'Biodiversity, indigenous knowledge, gender and intellectual property rights'. Indigenous Knowledge and Development Monitor 2(3): 12-15.
Rocheleau, D.E. (1995): 'Gender and biodiversity: A feminist political ecology perspective'. IDS bulletin 26 (1): 9-16.
Shiva, V. (1994) 'The seed and the earth: Biotechnology and the colonisation of regeneration' pp. 128-143 in V. Shiva (ed.) Close to home. Women reconnect ecology, health and development. London: Earthscan Publications.
The Crucible Group (1994) People, plants, and patents. The impact of intellectual property on biodiversity, conservation, trade and rural society. Ottawa: International Development Research Centre (IDRC).
United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) (1992) Convention on biological diversity, 5 June 1992. Na.92-7807.
Zerner, Ch. and K. Kennedy (1996) 'Equity issues in bioprospecting' pp. 96-109 in Baumann, M. et al (eds) The life industry. London: The Intermediate Technology Publication Ltd.

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