Indigenous Knowledge and Development
Monitor, December 1998 Indigenous Knowledge and Development
Monitor, December 1998
Contents IK Monitor 6(3) | IKDM Homepage | Suggestions to: ikdm@nuffic.nl | (c) copyright Nuffic-CIRAN and contributors 1999.
Agarwal, Anil and Sunita Narain (eds) (1997) Dying wisdom. The rise, fall and potential
of India's traditional water harvesting systems. Fourth Citizens' Report. 404
pp. US$18 (hardbound), US$12 (paperback). Enquiries: Centre for Science and Environment
(CSE), 41, Thughlakabad Institutional Area, New Delhi - 110 062, India. Fax: +91-11-698
5879. E-mail: cse@sdalt.ernet.in
(See also
IK&DM 6(2), where this publication was announced in 'Preview: Important
new books'.)
This comprehensive report marks a milestone, and indeed a mega-effort to
document and analyze the diversity of traditional water harvesting systems across India.
The book is the joint product of members of the Centre for Science and Environment and
other contributors, who spent seven years 'harvesting' an overwhelming amount of
water data. Fascinating details about water harvesting systems at the start of this
century were derived from old gazettes. This data is complemented by information collected
during field trips all over India. The book's content is excellent and the beautiful
photos, maps, and drawings make it a handsome volume. Editors Anil Agarwal and Sunita
Narain, in spite of serious personal calamities, have achieved a publication that has a
'message' which poses a challenge for the next millennium.
The authors give two
reasons for writing the report. The first is the growing anti-dam movement in India;
people are demanding systems of water management that are less socially and ecologically
destructive. Could these alternatives perhaps be found among the traditional systems of
water management? The second reason is that the editors, while driving through Churu
district in the Thar Desert (Rajasthan), happened to notice the structures used there for
collecting rainwater. In an area with annual rainfall of only 100mm, these structures,
"kunds", are able to meet the needs of both humans and animals. Agarwal and
Narain learned that during the 1987 drought, when the Indian government's piped water
supply ran dry, people who had stuck to their rainwater-harvesting kunds had plenty of
water.
The first chapter deals with traditional water-harvesting systems. It cites
archeological and historical evidence that there were sophisticated irrigation systems and
hydraulic structures on the Indian subcontinent at least 5000 years ago. Chapter 2
describes the range of techniques that have been developed over time in India to harvest
every form of water, including rainwater, groundwater, water in streams and rivers, and
flood water. The chapter reflects the extraordinary ecological diversity of India and its
related systems of water supply for agriculture and drinking. It is a sad conclusion to
this process of development that today the entire water heritage lies in ruin, both
culturally and technologically. Who is to blame? The authors point first to the
"wretched Indian (post-independence) state" (p. 29). But they go on to show that
in fact it was with the arrival of the British in about 1600 that the systematic looting
and pauperization of India began, which of course had disastrous consequences for the
indigenous water systems.
The most valuable part of chapter 2 is the presentation of all
the water-harvesting systems of India that have been documented to date. For each of the
country's 15 ecological regions there is a section describing the culture and
beliefs, types of community organization, and methods of water management. Case studies
are featured on colour pages. These provide clear and concise illustrations of such things
as bamboo drip irrigation, the rooftop harvesting of water, 'the murder of a
river' (Yamuna), and 'a city in distress' (Jodhpur).
The report also looks
at why the indigenous systems declined. One reason, given in chapter 3 ('From
community control to state supremacy or the rise and fall of water harvesting'), is
that the British rulers destroyed village-based water management by taxing the people too
heavily (p. 269).
The book ends with chapter 4, 'Waiting for wisdom to make its
way'. This is a magnificent plea for the revival of traditional water-harvesting
systems, which the authors see as essential for today. They present a thorough examination
of the various issues involved. Can these systems be revived on a large scale? Are there
enough reasons to revive them besides mere admiration for a golden past? In view of
population pressure and changing requirements, and the fact that many sites have long been
exhausted, what adjustments have to be made? The rehabilitation of tanks is not an easy
task, for example. Tank catchments that are silted up and eroded are just one result of
the thoughtless allocation of land; it has also left communities with serious economic,
technical and political problems. The pros and cons of reviving traditional systems should
be analyzed as soon as possible, say the authors (p. 318). Consideration should be given
to such issues as water rights, the equitable distribution of water resources within the
community, and the specific problems associated with traditional drinking water systems
(tankas, kundis, rooftop water harvesting structures, dugwells, and stepwells). The
chapter concludes by outlining the steps that have been taken so far. The Indian
government, at least on paper, has begun to recognize its responsibility towards
traditional water-harvesting systems. And NGOs all over the country are taking
initiatives, an impressive number of which are discussed in the book. These can be seen as
current 'best practices'.
The report contains a long list of references, as well
as statistics on water-harvesting systems in India, a glossary, and a 'Statement of
Shared Concern'.
The report can be criticized on two points, however. First, not
enough attention is given to the role of women in traditional water-harvesting systems,
nor to the gender issue in general. Only in chapter 4 (in the Baniskantha case) is there a
mention of the importance of involving women in NGO efforts to improve drinking water
resources. Yet evidence shows that there is probably no other group more affected by the
decline in traditional water resources than women in poor households. This should have
warranted at least one case study on a colour page.
Secondly, the authors missed an
opportunity to discuss their ideas in terms of the privatization that has become the focus
of policy almost all over the world. For the revival of traditional systems the authors
assign a key role to local communities. This could fit very well into the schemes
currently being designed for transferring state-owned water resources to the community.
As
the Centre for Science and Environment points out on its website (http://www.oneworld.org/cse/html), the book
was written also for the purpose of creating a movement: i.e., enlarging the network of
people who are interested in reviving and strengthening traditional water-harvesting
systems. The Centre has already taken action, thus demonstrating its commitment to the
main message of the book. It held a national conference in October 1998 in Delhi under the
title The potential of rainwater harvesting. (Loes Schenk-Sandbergen, associate professor,
Anthropology and Sociology Centre of the University of Amsterdam, the Netherlands)
Bruijn, Mirjam de and Han van Dijk (1995) Arid ways: cultural understandings of
insecurity in Fulbe society, central Mali. xii + 547 pp. with 4 maps, 18 tables, 6 figures
and 28 plates. ISBN 90-5538-013-X. US$40; £9.95; NLG59.50. Thela Publishers Amsterdam, P.
O. Box 14791, 1001 LG Amsterdam, the Netherlands. Tel.: +31-20-625 5429. Fax: +31-20-620
3395.
This book, written by Dr Mirjam de Bruijn and Dr Han van Dijk, paints a vivid
picture of how the agro-pastoral Fulbe people in the Sahel deal with insecurity in their
lives. Throughout the book, the authors have attempted not to make unnecessary
generalizations nor to reduce reality to an explanatory scheme. They have tried to give as
much space as possible to their observations and data, which they gathered in interaction
with the local people. In the course of reading this book, my own attention came to focus
on the everyday problems and concerns of the pastoralists. By helping readers to gain
understanding at this level, this book could considerably increase international
appreciation for the situation of indigenous societies. Besides providing a wealth of
first-hand observations and data, the book demonstrates a clear line of thought. Within a
historical framework, the authors took a systematic approach to studying the problems of
land use, resource distribution and social security in a pastoral society. In the process,
the research questions originally underlying the fieldwork gave way to different questions
and concepts.
The authors began from the assumption that an environment is not a stable
entity, but instead a source of insecurity and instability. They adopted a flexible
concept of culture in order to comprehend cultural perceptions of insecurity as well as of
the more stable aspects of daily life. This enabled them to present strong descriptions of
the dynamic nature of day-to-day reality, decision-making, and cultural forms. They have
been particularly thorough in their analysis of the ecological, social and political
dimensions of the insecurity experienced in Fulbe society. The authors conclude that
cultural perceptions can be seen as another way that the pastoralists ensure their own
flexibility.
This is one of very few books which succeed in presenting a full picture of
the insecurity experienced in a pastoral society--from the viewpoints of not only cultural
anthropology, but also ecology and geography. Although the links between indigenous
knowledge, sustainability and development could perhaps have been drawn more specifically,
the book can be recommended as both realistic and extensive. It should be required reading
for all students of cultural anthropology, pastoral development and indigenous knowledge.
It also has much to say to academics, technicians, decision-makers and international
development agencies who are concerned with the sustainable development of Fulbe society.
(Wu Ning, Chengdu Institute of Biology, Chinese Academy of Science, China)
Cantoni, Gina (ed.) (1996) Stabilizing indigenous languages.. xvi + 240 pp. A special
issue of Perspectives, a monograph series of Northern Arizona University's Center for
Excellence in Education. Published by Northern Arizona University. The entire monograph
has been put online at http://www.ncbe.gwu.edu/miscpubs/stabilize/.
It may be downloaded and reprinted on a non-profit basis as long as the source is properly
identified. The only exception is James Crawford's paper, for which special
permission is required. A printed version of the 256-page monograph is available for the
cost of shipping: USD$2 within the USA; US$4 in Canada; US$10 elsewhere in the world.
Write to: Jon Reyhner, Bilingual/ Multicultural Education Program Coordinator, Center for
Excellence in Education, P.O. Box 5774, Northern Arizona University, Flagstaff, AZ
86011-5774. Tel.: +1-520-523 0580. Fax: +1-520-523 1929. E-mail: Jon.Reyhner@nau.edu
In 1995, the report of the UNESCO Commision on Culture and Development, also known as the
Pérez de Cuéllar Report, eloquently defended the value of each and every language on
earth as part of humanity's cultural heritage. Each language is an expression of a
special view of the world. But an estimated 90 per cent of the world's languages are
in danger of becoming extinct sometime in the next century--most of them quite soon. This
is a cause for concern in many parts of the world.
In the United States, there are still
some 175 American Indian languages, and in Canada 35. These are all that are left of the
estimated 300 languages spoken in this region at the time of Columbus. Eighty per cent of
the surviving languages are no longer in daily use.
In November 1994 and May 1995,
Northern Arizona University's Centre for Excellence in Education hosted two symposia
on stabilizing indigenous languages in the United States and Canada. The present book is
the report on these symposia. It has four chapters. Chapter I deals with the need to
maintain one's home language and the urgency of doing so. Chapter II gives an account
of language policy, particularly in the US, and contains policy documents such as the
Native American Languages Act of 1990. Chapter III examines the roles that families and
the community play in the stabilization of Native American languages. And Chapter IV
describes the role of education in stabilizing languages and argues that the language
issue merits attention at all stages—pre-school, school, higher education, and
continuing education.
For this reviewer it was an eye-opener to learn that it was only in
1971 that the US policy of encouraging assimilation and the use of English gave way to an
effort to help neglected Indian languages to survive. And it was not until the 1990s that
this new policy was translated into legislation. The book makes it clear that even if the
new laws go into effect, English will continue to gain an ever firmer hold on the Indian
communities.
To me, the most important and interesting paper in the book is Joshua
Fishman's contribution 'What do you lose when you lose your language?' The
author argues that a language is the spirit of a people, and he tries to answer the
question 'What can be done to make mother tongues self-sustaining?'
The book
offers lots of examples. There are testimonies from speakers of various languages, as well
as information about the languages themselves. Examples are given of experiments in
various school systems. And finally, there are examples from other regions of the American
continent. The book concludes with a second paper by Joshua Fishman: 'Maintaining
languages: What works and what doesn't.'
The book contains a bibliography as
well as a list of further resources. I think the book can be highly recommended to anyone
who is interested in the survival of Native American languages, whether in the northern or
the southern hemisphere. It makes a worthwhile contribution to the ongoing discussion
regarding intercultural, bilingual education for Latin American Indians.
(Dr Wolfgang
Küper, Divison Education and Science, Deutsche Gesellschaft für Technische
Zusammenarbeit (GTZ), Eschborn, Germany)
Fairhead, James and Melissa Leach (1996) Misreading the African landscape. Society and
ecology in a forest-savanna mosaic. xviii + 354 pp. ISBN 0-521-564999. £16.95. With the
research collaboration of Dominique Millimouno and Marie Kamano. Cambridge University
Press in collaboration with the African Studies Centre, Cambridge. The Edinburgh Building,
Shaftesbury Road, Cambridge CB2 2RU, UK. Tel.: +44-1223-312 393. Fax: +44-1223-315 052.
This study examines the dynamics of the forest-savanna landscape of Guinea. Most
scientists and policy-makers assume that such a landscape is the result of human
occupation. They believe that human activity degrades forests, leaving only patches of
forest scattered throughout what becomes a vast savanna area. The authors of this study
argue that this is a biased view of the environment.
The research was done mainly in the
Kissidougou prefecture of Guinea, which is situated in the zone of transition between the
humid forests to the south and the Guinean savanna to the north. Here, annual rainfall
averages 1500-2500mm, and the dry season lasts from three to five months. Two British
social anthropologists and two research associates from Guinea conducted the study. They
applied several research methods, the main one being a year of fieldwork in several
villages. They also compared aerial photographs taken in 1952 and 1982 or 1991, and
analyzed satellite images dating from 1989/92 against descriptions of landscapes which
they found in the literature.
Fairhead and Leach first consider several theories on
people-environment relations in the tropics, among them the Malthusian population theory,
the poverty theory, and the property theory. I found their critique of the property
theory—as expounded by Hardin (1968), Berkes (1990) and Ostrom (1990)—very
refreshing. In this theory, indigenous institutions relating to land tenure and the
management of common property form the backbone of natural resource conservation. The
authors have given readers food for thought, if indeed the breakdown of traditional
institutions is the root cause of degradation.
In the next two chapters the authors
demonstrate convincingly that change in vegetation is not always a matter of
deforestation, but that forests have also been created and extended around human
settlements. Chapters 4 to 6 are devoted to two village studies explaining the underlying
mechanisms of reforestation. It is not only a case of villagers planting trees directly,
but also of trees springing up in soil near houses, which has become richer through
grazing, fertilization with manure and other wastes, and gardening.
The authors continue
in the following four chapters to examine local land management in the light of regional
issues: population growth, urban demand for charcoal and timber, and regional forest
policies during both the colonial and post-independence periods. They point out that some
forests have disappeared not as a result of burning and cultivation, but because
urban-based operators performed commercial logging, for example. In the concluding
chapter, Fairhead and Leach summarize why human settlement contributes to forest growth.
They conclude that the relationship between human occupation and the environment is not a
simple matter of domination and destruction. It is a relationship more dynamic than that.
The book has some weaknesses. First, the authors romanticize indigenous knowledge in that
they view all human behaviour as contributing to good management (p. 88). Their arguments
about soil enrichment and the development of a diverse forest cover are not substantiated
with any empirical evidence, however, which weakens their argument. The second weakness of
the book is related to the first. Villagers are represented as homogeneous, and several
local conflicts are ignored. My third criticism is that Fairhead and Leach do not analyze
the expanding charcoal and timber market, nor do they deal with the fact that village
authorities cooperate with outside loggers (p. 218).
Nevertheless, this is a very valuable
sourcebook because it convincingly explains why there is a need for a more pluralistic and
dynamic approach to human-environment relationships. Thanks to the authors'
anthropologically sound analysis of land management and their illustrative use of aerial
photographs and other historical evidence, it becomes very clear that if we ignore the
knowledge and practices of local people we will never arrive at appropiate forestation
policies.
(Bernhard Venema, lecturer in the Department of Cultural Anthropology and
Sociology of Development, Vrije Universiteit, Amsterdam, the Netherlands)
Grenier, Louise (1998) Working with indigenous knowledge. A guide for researchers. ix +
115 pp. ISBN 0-88936-847-3. Publisher's suggested selling price: CA$25 (plus shipping
and handling) but customers should check with local distributors for terms and conditions.
Published by International Development Research Centre (IDRC), P.O. Box 8500, Ottawa, ON
Canada K1G 3H9. Tel.: +1-613-236 6163. Fax: +1-613-238 7230. E-mail: bscrivens@idrc.ca
(See also IKDM 6(2), where
this publication was first mentioned in 'Preview: Important new books'.)
The
message of this book is simply that indigenous knowledge (IK) plays an important role in
the development of people who use it, and for this reason deserves our attention. The book
is intended as a guide for researchers--rightly so, because data contained in the book are
based on fieldwork.
After a good explanation of what IK is, the author discusses the work
that has been done so far to protect intellectual property rights. The author tells why IK
should be protected and why we should continue to pay attention to it: "Compared with
many modern technologies, traditional techniques have been tried and tested, are
effective, inexpensive, locally available and culturally appropriate and in many cases are
based on preserving and building on the patterns and process of nature." (p. 7).
The
author arrives at this bold conclusion after an extensive review of field examples as well
as current theory and practice. The case studies are from Thailand, India, Peru and the
Philippines. In all these cases, local people were averse to new technologies because
these technologies did not take their practical circumstances into consideration. The
author observes that: "Each case study…helps to highlight how insiders assess
their well-being. Many case studies similar to those presented...have contributed to our
understanding of sustainable development and technology transfer issues." (p. 76).
The book has six sections. In sections 3 and 4, the author provides useful insights into
the techniques which researchers may employ. Of particular importance is a reminder that
any technique must be people-centred. 'Outsiders' are advised to be aware of the
great importance of cultural differences between themselves and the people they study.
These have the potential to influence interview designs, and in fact do influence research
results.
It is refreshing to note that the author places emphasis on issues of language
and translation. Ideas and images, especially when they are embedded in proverbs and
idioms, are problematic. If researchers fail to pay attention to language, they are likely
to produce a work of fiction.
The book has one weakness, however. It emphasizes
participatory rural appraisal (PRA) as a data-gathering technique. The author rightly
describes the technique step-by-step, and lists some do's and don'ts. This is
commendable, but researchers who are dealing with indigenous knowledge must realize and
take into account the fact that this knowledge has been accumulated over a long period and
under specific cultural circumstances. To understand it requires much more time than PRA
permits. It is quite an art to hold a genuinely revealing conversation with villagers,
because such communities are highly structured and people tend to protect what they know
and have. PRA does not allow enough time to gain insight into issues as complex as
indigenous knowledge.
Notwithstanding this weakness, the book provides a very lucid and
comprehensive analysis of indigenous knowledge research and assessment. It will therefore
contribute tremendously to our understanding of the role of indigenous knowledge, and will
help us to find improved ways of preserving it. It is certainly a book which those
concerned with the development of indigenous knowledge should read.
(Claude G. Mararike,
Department of Sociology, University of Zimbabwe, Harare, Zimbabwe)
ITDG and IIRR (1996) Ethnoveterinary medicine in Kenya: a field manual of traditional
animal healthcare practices. ISBN 9966-9606-2-7. xxv + 226 pp. US$10 plus postage.
Enquiries: Intermediate Technologies Development Group, IT Kenya, P.O. Box 39493, Nairobi,
Kenya and International Institute of Rural Reconstruction, Africa Regional Office, P.O.
Box 66873, Nairobi, Kenya. Tel. IIRR: +254-2-224 610 / 466 522. Fax IIRR: +254-2-448 148.
E-mail: iirr_kenya@elci.gn.apc.org (See
also IK&DM 6(1), where this publication was first mentioned under
'Preview: Important new books'.)
This manual is the result of the joint efforts
of Intermediate Technology (IT) Kenya, and the Africa Regional Office of the International
Institute of Rural Reconstruction (IIRR). The two organizations held a two-week workshop
in July 1996 which brought together practitioners of traditional animal healthcare,
veterinary scientists, government officials, staff of NGOs, and extension workers. At the
workshop, with the help of workshop staff, the participants wrote, revised, illustrated
and desktop-published the first draft of the book, which presents traditional, indigenous
practices for maintaining the health of livestock in Kenya. The information it contains is
meant to supplement and complement standard veterinary practice, not to replace it.
The
manual is well organized and has a clear structure and layout. This makes the information
it contains more accessible to the readers for whom it is intended: animal health
practioners working in Kenya and throughout Africa. The many illustrations make the
information very clear. For example, simple drawings representing the various species
indicate at the top of each page which animals are affected by the disease described on
that page. Each section of the book lists the names in local languages of each of the
diseases and medicinal plants that are discussed in the section. There are additional
lists at the back of the book.
Unlike most other books on animal health, this manual deals
also with dogs, chickens and other small species, and includes discussions of zoonoses
(diseases which people can catch from animals). Besides diseases, the manual covers such
general issues as medicinal plants, nutrition and the management of animals, breeding,
parasites, wounds and surgery.
During the workshop sessions, each practice and form of
treatment was examined by the participants working together as joint authors: traditional
healers alongside university-trained veterinarians. To indicate the acknowledged validity
of the practices described, each was given a rating of 1 (standard veterinary practice or
its close equivalent), 2 (common traditional practice supported by scientific knowledge),
or 3 (common traditional practice which animal healers agree is effective). Any treatments
on which the group could not agree, or which could not be rated, were omitted. This
eliminated the possibility of publicizing dangerous or less effective treatments.
The
manual covers most of the major diseases of livestock. All of the main infectious diseases
are discussed even if traditional treatments are not presented for all of them.
Traditional practitioners are less likely to have specific methods for dealing with rare
disorders or acute infectious diseases. Moreover, at a large meeting like the workshop,
individuals probably do not reveal all of their own secret remedies.
How useful the
information will prove to be in the field is difficult to predict. There might be times
when it is more difficult to obtain the prescribed wild plants than it is to use
conventional methods of treatment.
This manual is an effort to counteract the alarming
loss of indigenous knowledge related to animal health around the world. The information it
contains can improve livestock projects at the community level, and the training of
animal-health workers. Language forms a major barrier in these activities. The manual
would be even more useful if it were translated into local languages. On the other hand, a
book might not be the most appropiate way of disseminating ethnoveterinary knowledge,
since many practitioners cannot read or write.
The main significance of the book might
well be that it draws attention to the fact that such knowledge exists. If this knowledge
is lost and if local communities around the world become entirely dependent on academic
veterinary medicine, disempowerment has occurred. There is therefore an urgent need for
further research and testing of ethnoveterinary knowledge, and for its further
documentation and dissemination. The workshop and manual set an excellent example.
The
rapid approach taken to produce this manual may not always be effective under all cultural
circumstances. The workshop and manual should therefore represent a set of guidelines
rather than a blueprint. Initiatives for similar activities are being worked on in other
regions of Africa. One would hope that similar initiatives follow in Asia and Latin
America, where many millions of people also keep animals as their prime or secondary
source of livelihood.
(Katrien van 't Hooft (Dr. med. vet, MSc), ETC Leusden, the
Netherlands) (Ilse Köhler-Rollefson (Dr. med. vet), League for Pastoral Peoples,
Ober-Ramstad, Germany)
Karlsson, Sylvia (ed.) (1997) Managing common resources in local and global systems.
Applying theory across scales. Research Report No. 9 from EPOS, Environmental Policy and
Society, Linköping University, Sweden. 150 pp. ISBN 91-7871-988-7. SEK100. EPOS,
Institute of Tema Research, Linköping University, S-581 83 Linköping, Sweden. Tel.:
+46-13-284 420. Fax: +46-13-284 415. E-mail: tiigr@tema.liu.se
http://www.tema.liu.se/epos
This book is a
collection of essays written by PhD students in an interdisciplinary course on Common
Property Resource Management at Linköping University in Sweden. It presents interesting
attempts to apply some of the theoretical concepts developed for the management of
'classical common property resources' to a variety of less classical situations.
('Classical common property resources' are those used on a local scale by small
communities for purposes of subsistence.) The case studies range in scale from local to
global, take place in rural and urban environments of developing and industrialized
countries, and involve a variety of institutional settings. The essays deal with the
following: the management of privately owned oil drilling stations in certain parts of the
USA; attempts to reduce river pollution in Sweden and in a large city of India; recycling
of sewage in Swedish municipalities; social forestry initiatives of the Indian forest
service; international attempts to control persistent organic pollutants; and the
management of 'the global commons' as the common property of mankind. The editor
contributes an introduction that helps to define some of the common themes, which in the
rest of the book tend to get buried in too many details and in the almost unintelligible
English of some passages.
To me, the most interesting of these themes revolve around what
is known about the resource to be managed, including the sources of that knowledge and the
role it plays. Also interesting are the discussions of shared values and explicit
management goals. The editor examines the role that researchers' own values play in
the development of models for common property management, and the consequences of these
models for policy implementation. In her words: "If policies are completely built on
impeding shirking behavior of individuals, such could in fact encourage shirking and
free-riding behavior. If on the other hand, policies focus on people's ability to
cooperate, their ability to build up trust among each other and show concrete ways of
doing so, the cooperative behavior may be encouraged."
(Claudia Knab-Vispo, Institute
for Environmental Studies, University of Wisconsin-Madison, USA)
Rossel, G. (1998) Taxonomic-linguistic study of plantain in Africa. 338 pp. ISBN
90-5789-004-6. NLG50 plus postage. CNWS publication No. 65. Also published as PhD thesis
Wageningen Agricultural University, 1998. Order from: Research School CNWS, Leiden
University, P.O. Box 9515, 2300 RA Leiden, the Netherlands. Tel.: +31-71-527-2171. Fax:
+31-71-527 2939. E-mail: CNWS@Rullet.Leidenuniv.nl
In many parts of Africa, plantain (Musa spp., AAB group, of the Musaceae family) is a
basic food crop. Extensive cultivation of the plantain is found mainly in the hot and
humid rainforest areas of Central and West Africa. Although this plant has been studied
and bred extensively since the 1920s, questions remain about its genetic background. By
1998, some 120 African cultivars (varieties bred for cultivation) of plantain had been
described. The plantain is not indigenous to Africa, and there is still much speculation
about which of the cultivars was the first to be introduced in Africa. Much can be learned
from the names that accompanied or were given to the various varieties. Ms Rossel set out
to analyze the distribution pattern of the cultivars and their names in the various
African languages in order to determine the pathways by which the crop spread over the
continent. This required also studying the history of the other musa (bananas) in Africa,
and the closest relative of musa, ensete.
Ms Rossel aimed also to test a new method for
tracing the history of a crop's diffusion. Diffusion processes were examined from the
perspectives of various disciplines: not only history (trans-oceanic contacts), economics
(trade, pastoralists, food crops), agronomy (growers' considerations, mutations), and
culture (consumer preferences), but also ecology (selection and density) and botany
(diversity). She concludes that these aspects are interconnected and can be studied only
by using an integrated approach that also takes the human factor into account.
The book
has five parts. In part 1 the author presents her working hypothesis, which is based on
agro-botanical and socio-linguistic premises. Part 2 outlines the taxonomy, uses and
history of plantain and the other banana-like plants. Part 3 describes the diversity and
distribution of the various cultivars. People are eager to try out new species and
varieties, especially in highly populated areas. It seems, however, that no more than
about 20 different cultivars can be exploited at one time by any one population unit. The
exchange system and the farm size are the human factors that determine which varieties are
cultivated. Part 4 is the core of the study, offering an extensive overview of vernacular
names. It lists generic names, names based on the type of bunch, cultivar names, and names
of plant parts. The author discovers patterns in these local names. For example, the
generic names used for plantain and related crops depend largely on their economic value
for the local population. Part 5 contains a synthesis of the findings of the previous
chapters, and recommendations for future research.
An enormous amount of information has
been recorded by Ms Rossel, but the book contains more than description. It can be used as
a fieldwork tool by researchers who are also trying to conserve specific crops. Ms Rossel
expresses the hope that crop history will become a central topic for research, instead of
being only secondary to other research.
(Diana Bosch, anthropologist and non-western
sociologist, member of the LEAD project at Leiden University, the Netherlands)
Shand, Hope (1997) Human nature: agricultural biodiversity and farm-based food
security. ix + 94 pp. ISBN: 0-9683112-0-2. US$20 by airmail; Southern NGOs receive a 50%
discount. Please inquire after special rates for volume orders (over 5 copies). Published
by: Rural Advancement Foundation International (RAFI). Make check payable to: RAFI-USA, 21
Hillsboro Street, P.O. Box 640, Pittsboro, NC 27312 USA. Tel.: +1-919-542 1396. http://www.rafi.ca
This is an independent study prepared for
the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization by the Rural Advancement Foundation
International (RAFI). The book provides a very informative and comprehensive description
of the current situation of agricultural biodiversity in every aspect of human life: in
crop farming; animal husbandry; forestry; fishery and aquatic life; as well as soil and
microbial biodiversity. The information is backed by statistical data, graphics, tables,
maps and information gathered from an extensive literature study. For readers who have no
direct access to such secondary sources of information, it is useful that the data are
published in this concise way.
The author is to be congratulated for her ability to help
readers gain insight into the significance of agricultural biodiversity. The author's
strongest argument defends the important role that local people and their traditional
knowledge play in preserving the diversity of genetic resources. The author draws a sharp
line between the in situ and ex situ conservation of genetic resources. The latter removes
genetic resources from their environmental and cultural context. The author describes how
development projects and various other forms of human activity are depleting not only the
rich genetic resources themselves, but also the human practices associated with them. The
author lists the policies and programmes currently being implemented by international
agencies in order to reverse this process. The book' s last chapter (9) lists the
seven areas in which there are problems in urgent need of resolution. Besides a call for
action with regard to crops that are disappearing, the author makes a special plea for
livestock and for a global forum on food scarcity. She argues that the problem areas could
be the basis for an 'Agrigenda 21', an international policy agenda for the
preservation of agricultural biodiversity. This makes the book useful for academics and
development experts as well as for planners, donor agencies, stakeholders, and
non-governmental organizations.
The author would have made a far stronger case if the book
had contained more case studies showing exactly how local knowledge and practices can
contribute to the in situ preservation of genetic resources. There are very good
photographs scattered throughout the book, but they do not have captions explaining what
is in the pictures. I also missed a discussion of the mangrove forests of the coastal
regions, which are now being destroyed on a large scale. Discussion of the genetic
resources of Indonesia's estuaries would also have been useful. The book does offer a
chapter on soil and microbial biodiversity, however, which is often overlooked by both
academics and planners.
It will be our job to carry out more detailed studies of local
populations' methods for in situ conservation, and to suggest how academics,
development experts, planners, donor agencies and other parties could work more closely
with local people in order to halt the further destruction of Indonesia's rich
genetic resources.
(Yunita T. Winarto, lecturer/researcher at the Department of
Anthropology, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, University of Indonesia, Depok
Indonesia)
Sharma, Prem N. (ed.) (1998) A compilation of indigenous technology knowledge for
upland watershed management in Bangladesh. PWMTA-FARM Field Document No.11. vi + 50 pp.
Published by Participatory Watershed Management Training in Asia (PWMTA) Program,
GCP/RAS/161/NET - RAS/93/062, FAO (UN). For copies, write to: Dr Prem Sharma, FAO (UN),
P.O. Box 25, Kathmandu, Nepal; or: Mr Sunil Kanti Bose, Forest Department, Dhaka,
Bangladesh. (See also IK&DM 6(2), where this publication was announced in
'Preview: Important new books'.)
This small study is a compilation of 52
indigenous ideas and practices associated with watershed management in hilly areas of
Bangladesh. Over many generations, the tribal communities that inhabit these areas have
developed techniques well suited to the areas. The point of the book is that their
experience can be put to use elsewhere and incorporated into plans for the sustainable
development of watershed areas.
The institute for training in Participatory Watershed
Management in Asia first proposed that indigenous technological knowledge be collected,
through both fieldwork and literature study. The Bangladesh Forest Department took up the
idea and instructed its officers to collect material in cooperation with the Forest
Research Institute and the Bangladesh Academy. The Forest Department was particularly
interested to learn about local practices of forest management, agro-forestry, and soil
and water conservation, and about the beliefs and rituals associated with these.
The book
is organized around the following subjects: water harvesting, drinking water, hill
irrigation systems, soil and water conservation, gully control, river transportation and
forest harvesting, agro-silvi-pastoral methods, cultural beliefs and faith, hill
agriculture, household and other activities, tools and implements, dwelling and houses,
and special forest products.
I was struck by the similarity between technologies described
in this book and technologies I have seen not only under similar ecological circumstances
in West Bengal and Orissa (India), but also in forest villages in Laos. Parallel
inventions are of course a common phenomenon. The book thus presents a challenge to
anthropologists. To what extent are the 52 examples of indigenous technology specific to
the tribal population of Bangladesh? Comparative studies are called for.
The book, which
is nicely illustrated, contributes to the body of knowledge about indigenous practices. It
does have several shortcomings, however:
Werner, David and David Sanders (1997) Questioning the solution: The politics of
primary health care and child survival; with an in-depth critique of oral rehydration
therapy. 206 pp. ISBN 0-9655585-1-7 (hardcover); 0-9655585-2-5 (paperback). US$30 (hc);
US$18 (pb); shipping outside USA: US$5. HealthWrights, P.O. Box 1344, Palo Alto, CA 94302,
USA. Fax: +1-650-3251080. E-mail: healthwrights@icg.org
David Werner is a biologist by training, and David Sanders a medical doctor. Both authors
have been involved in rural development and public health on an international level for
many years.
I think this book has two potential readerships: people concerned with public
health issues and health policy in developing countries; and people concerned with issues
of social development—or underdevelopment—in a much broader sense. The first
will come to see their own field of activity in a new light and find confirmation for
visions and opinions they may have held for a long time without being able to define them
clearly. More importantly, I believe, they will also learn that human health depends not
on sophisticated medical treatment and technology, but rather on good nutrition and good
general living conditions, and that these in turn depend on empowerment. The second group
of readers will find a very interesting account of the development process, illustrated
with examples from the public health sector. Both groups will learn a lot about why there
are so many setbacks and so few success stories in development.
As announced in the
subtitle, a major part of the book is dedicated to the oral rehydration therapy (ORT)
which has become an important tool in the treatment of diarrhea, a main cause of child
mortality in developing countries. The authors examine not the therapy itself, but the way
it has been promoted. Once its value was acknowledged, ORT became 'big
business'. The authors argue that limiting diarrhea treatment almost exclusively to
ORT by means of commercially distributed sachets may actually harm the rural poor, the
ones most in need of treatment. Although the sachets seem cheap, for the target groups
they can still be too expensive. Often people must choose between the treatment and food.
The aggressive promotion of the sachets almost completely obscured the fact that the basic
oral rehydration solution is something people can make at home, from ingredients readily
available at little or no cost. Werner and Sanders conclude that by focusing entirely on
the therapy, people have forgotten that children do not die because they have diarrhea.
They die because of malnourishment, and malnourishment is caused by poverty. Diarrhea is
merely an ailment which the weakened organism can no longer cope with.
Therefore, while
therapy certainly is necessary, the main issue is to fight poverty. Health will not
improve until social, environmental and economic conditions improve, and this requires
equality and the empowerment of the poor. That is what this book is mainly about. Although
it does not deal specifically with traditional knowledge, I think that everyone interested
in this field will find the book stimulating reading.
Of course the book, like its
subject, is very controversial. I think it should therefore not only be read, but also
discussed. Everyone will find arguments with which they disagree. I, for example, would
raise questions on the following points:
If as a result of this book, these and other points are raised in discussions among
public health workers, development specialists, government officials, politicians, and all
the other public and private actors involved, then the book will have had an impact. And
all the more so if the poor and powerless people living in developing and developed
countries whom this is all about, are also drawn into these discussions.
(Dr Robert
Zwahlen, Senior Environmentalist, Environmental Department, Electrowatt Engineering Ltd.,
Zurich, Switzerland)
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