IK Monitor Articles (7-3)

Indigenous Knowledge and Development Monitor, November 1999

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Indigenous institutions and resource management in Ghana

Seth Appiah-Opoku and B. Hyma

This article examines the nature of indigenous institutions in the Ashanti region of Ghana. It explores beliefs and practices pertaining to resource management, and concludes that these provide a framework for successful resource management in much of the developing world.

Natural resource and environmental management policies in developing countries are increasingly mimicking Western models, while the contribution of indigenous cultures and institutions is often overlooked (Amanor 1994; Appiah-Opoku 1997). It is argued here that indigenous institutions can serve as points of entry in the search for local options and broad-based approaches to the management of natural resources. Indigenous institutions represent established local systems of authority and other phenomena derived from the sociocultural and historical processes of a given society. They originate from local cultures, have firm roots in the past, and are variously referred to as informal, pre-existing, or native institutions (Matowanyinka 1991; Appiah-Opoku & Mulamoottil 1997). They are often found at the local or community level, reflecting the knowledge and experiences of the local people. In contrast, non-indigenous or formal institutions are established via forces external to a given community, and are characterized by functional and structural arrangements that are fairly standard. They reflect a specific image of development followed by Western countries since the industral revolution (Uphoff 1992; Giarelli 1996; Appiah-Opoku 1997). According to Apter (1968), the nature and organization of indigenous institutions revolve around three principles: behavioral alternatives; goal orientation; and social norms (see Table 1). Environmental ethics and practices in indigenous societies are often rooted in these abstract principles.

Table 1 Three principles

Study area
Ghana is located on the Atlantic coast of West Africa and is bordered by Ivory Coast to the west, Togo to the east, and Burkina Faso to the north. The first recorded European contact with the people of Ghana occurred in 1553, and at different times in the course of the next three centuries the English, Danes, Dutch, Germans, and Portuguese all controlled various parts of the coast. In 1844 a bond between the British government and certain traditional chiefs gave the British jurisdiction over the coastal area of the country. In 1901 Britain assumed full responsibility for governing the hinterland, then occupied mainly by the Ashantis. British rule was marked by the gradual development of both formal and indigenous institutions in Ghana, and much of the old is still present in the country's modern administrative set-up. The study focused on the Ashanti region, since the culture and lifestyle of the Ashantis are typical of all Akans, who form the largest ethnic group in Ghana. Other considerations included the following:

The people of Ashanti have managed to retain much of their original culture.

Historical records on indigenous institutions in the region were easily available.

The researcher was brought up in the region and is familiar with the local dialect.

Research
The objectives of the research were to identify indigenous institutions and their key characteristics, and to explore indigenous beliefs and practices pertaining to resource management. A random sampling technique (Babbie 1990) was used to select six districts in Ashanti, where interviews were subsequently conducted. With the help of research assistants, a list of 304 potential key informants in 20 randomly selected small towns, villages, and hamlets was compiled, using census data, local tax records, and the . snowball technique. . In the end only 160 key informants were selected. The other individuals were not interviewed for various reasons, ranging from unavailability during repeated calls to unwillingness to participate in the survey. For instance, some traditional healers were not prepared to divulge information about their healing practices to the interviewers. In addition, some traditional priests and priestesses needed permission from their deities or gods, which in most cases was not granted.

Findings
Indigenous institutions in Ashanti fall into the following five categories: social, religious, political, judicial, and economic. These institutions are organized on the basis of traditional roles and systems of authority, and legitimized in such structures as family, chieftaincy hierarchy, village council, and native or indigenous court systems (see Table 2).

Table 2 Indigenous institutions

The study revealed several indigenous beliefs and practices that contribute to resource management. The earth and large bodies of water are regarded as sacred. For instance, the sacredness of Lake Bosumtwi near Kuntanase village means that no human waste may be deposited in it. Tradition forbids the use of boats on the lake. Instead, fishermen use flat boards, rafts, or pieces of wood (see photo). In certain portions of the lake, fishing is forbidden altogether, while in July and August, when the spirit of the lake is believed to be resting, no fishing is allowed. A number of local taboos and prohibitions are related to practices believed to defile the earth (see Table 3). There are also rituals to seek permission from the spirit of the earth to dig a grave for the dead. The general belief is that failure to honor the spirit of the earth or acknowledge its magnanimity in this way, may provoke anger and vengeance in the form of natural calamities such as famine, excessive rainfall, or death.

Table 3 Indigenous beliefs

Discussion
No matter how much Western science has to offer, the knowledge in greatest demand in natural resource management is that which reconnects human beings to the biosphere and its bioregions, incorporating respect and implicit socio-cultural, moral, and spiritual expressions (Tyler 1993; Appiah-Opoku & Mulamoottil 1997). In this sense, indigenous institutions in Ashanti have much to offer. Their philosophy of life is aimed at the perpetuation of all objects, both animate and inanimate. Their collective environmental wisdom and ethics are expressed through religious beliefs and a range of sacred and cultural practices. For instance, the belief that the earth has a power of its own which is helpful if propitiated and harmful if neglected, is a powerful moral sanction against the wanton destruction of natural resources in Ashanti region. The constant reminder of the good deeds of ancestors acts as a spur to good conduct on the part of the living. Similarly, the belief that lesser gods or spirits dwell in such natural resources as lakes, seas, rocks, trees, hills and certain animals is tantamount to attaching intrinsic value to all objects. animate and inanimate. According to Desjardin (1993), many of the environmental concerns of the Western world are also rooted in the intrinsic value of nature. For instance, wilderness areas and scenic landscapes are valued by many people in the West because of the symbolic, aesthetic and cultural values attached to these areas. There are other indigenous beliefs and practices in Ashanti designed to prevent the exhaustion of resources, and give them time to recover from exploitative pressures. At Akyeremade village near Ejisu, fish from the River Bafo is not eaten by inhabitants of the village, although no such prohibition applies in the villages downstream. A scientific explanation is put forward by Gause (1969), who shows that the disappearance of prey can be effectively countered by providing an area inaccessible to the predator, where the prey can maintain a minimal population. In effect, just such an experimental area exists on portions of Lake Bosumtwi where fishing is totally forbidden. The indigenous restrictions on resource-use parallel scientific prescriptions. For instance, just as certain methods of fishing are traditionally forbidden on Lake Bosumtwi, developed countries such as Canada and the United States have regulations governing overly efficient fishing gear. And just as in Ashanti indigenous beliefs and practices protect nursing animals and forests alongside riverbanks, there are scientific regulations for keeping forest areas such as national parks and watersheds free from human interference.

Policy implications
Indigenous institutions possess a framework of ideas, guiding principles, and institutional foundation that can serve as entry points in the search for local options and broad-based resource management initiatives in Ghana and much of the developing world. However, there are constraints on indigenous institutions, including the difficulty of altering entrenched attitudes, and the rapid and continuing loss of indigenous belief systems and practices, due in part to the spread of a global consumer culture, and the effects of Western education on younger generations. In addition, in communities where Christianity has taken a strong hold, the worship of nature is discouraged, often resulting in the loss of traditional beliefs. In urban settlements in Ashanti, Western culture seems to have subverted indigenous practices, so that the people no longer have the same sense of community as their counterparts in rural areas (Anderson 1996). Although indigenous institutions have suffered and continue to suffer some erosion, this does not necessarily render them outdated (Howes 1980; Adugna 1996; Appiah-Opoku 1997). Cultures advance on the basis of new experiences (Banuri & Marglin 1993). Thus, far from being anachronisms in today's world, indigenous institutions have much to offer contemporary policy makers searching for a bottom-up approach to resource management.

Dr Seth Appiah-Opoku
Environmental Program
University of Vermont
153 South Prospect Street
Burlington, Vermont
05401, USA
Tel.: +1-802-656 9685.
E-mail: sappiah@zoo.uvm.edu
University of Vermont
http://www.uvm.edu/

Dr B. Hyma
Department of Geography
University of Waterloo
200 University Avenue West
Waterloo, Ontario
Canada N2L 3G1
Tel.: +1-519-885 1211.
E-mail: bhyma@watserv1.uwaterloo.ca University of Waterloo
Department of Geography
http://www.fes.uwaterloo.ca/geography/

Acknowledgment
A longer version of this article was funded by the International Development Research Center, Ottawa, Canada.

References
Adugna, G. (1996) . The dynamics of knowledge systems versus sustainable development. , Indigenous Knowledge and Development Monitor 4 (2): 31-32.

Amanor, K. S. (1994) The new frontier: Farmers. responses to land degradation. A West African study . London: Zed Books Limited.

Anderson, T. (1996) . Ghana: the nightmare lagoons. , International Development Research Reports, Ottawa, Canada.

Appiah-Opoku, S. (1997) . Indigenous institutions: A resource for environmental impact assessment and planning in Ghana. , Unpublished Doctoral Thesis, Waterloo, Ontario: School of Urban and Regional Planning.

Appiah-Opoku, S. and G. Mulamoottil (1997) . Indigenous institutions and environmental assessment: The case of Ghana. , Environmental Management 21(2): 159-171.

Apter, D. (1968) Ghana in transition . New York: Macmillan Company.

Babbie, E. (1990) Survey research methods . Belmont, CA: Wadsworth Publishing

Banuri, T. and F. Apffel-Marglin (1993) Who will save the forest? Knowledge, power, and environmental destruction . London: Zed Books.

Desjardin, J.R. (1993) Environmental ethics: An introduction to environmental philosophy . Belmont, California: Wadsworth Publishing Company.

Gauze, G.F. (1969) The struggle for existence . New York, NY: Hafner.

Giarelli, G. (1996) . Broadening the debate: The Tharaka participatory action research project. . Indigenous Knowledge and Development Monitor 4(2): 19-22.

Howes, M. (1980) . The use of indigenous technical knowledge in development. , in D.W. Brokensha, O. Werner and D.M. Warren (eds). Indigenous knowledge systems and development . Lanham, MD: University Press of America Inc.

Matowanyika, J.Z.Z (1991) . Indigenous resource management and sustainability in rural Zimbabwe: An exploration of practices and concepts in Commonlands. , Unpublished Doctoral Thesis, Waterloo, Ontario: Department of Geography, University of Waterloo.

Tyler, M.E. (1993) . Spiritual stewardship in Aboriginal resource management systems. , Environments 22(1): 1-8.

Uphoff, N. (1992) Local institutions and participation for sustainable development . Gate Keeper Series, No. 31. London: International Institute for Environment and Development.

Illustrations
Flat boards, rafts, or pieces of wood are used for fishing, instead of a canoe or boat.
Photo: Seth Appiah-Opoku