Indigenous Knowledge and Development
Monitor, July 2000 Indigenous Knowledge and Development
Monitor, July 2000
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Indigenous knowledge of medicinal plants and wild edibles among three tribal subcommunities of the Central Himalayas, India
by R.K. Maikhuri, Sunil Nautiyal, K.S. Rao and R.L. Semwal
The Bhotiyas of the Central Himalayas, who practice migratory cattle-raising and traditional agriculture, are highly dependent on the resources which they find in nature. The present article, which is based on years of research among three subcommunities of the Bhotiyas, documents their knowledge of medicinal plants and wild edibles, and the specific manner in which they are used. This information is presented in three tables (see Tables). The article ends with a discussion of the need to conserve this knowledge in the light of the rapid acculturation now taking place within the Tolchha, Marchha and Jadh subcommunities.
The Bhotiyas live in the northernmost border areas of the Central Himalayas. They do not themselves use this name, which can probably be traced to their Mongolian features and the fact that they used to trade with Tibet (also known as 'Bhot Desh'). The Bhotiyas who are the subject of the present article consist of three small subcommunities: the Tolchha, the Marchha, and the Jadhs. These are situated in the Garhwal region, in the districts of Chamoli, Uttarkashi and Pithoragarh (see map). These communities practice migratory agriculture, due to the constant need to find grazing land for their sheep. They have two permanent dwellings: their traditional summer abodes are situated in a rugged mountain area (2000-3600 masl) where the climatic conditions are severe, while in winter they move to the lower valleys (400-1400 masl). The Jadhs inhabit the Bhagirathi valley of Central Himalaya, some 300 km away from the other two communities. The Tolchha and Marchha subcommunities are semi-agrarian, whereas the Jadh subcommunity is semi-pastoral. All of them are totally dependent on the surrounding forests for their daily requirements. The Jadhs are Buddhists, while the Tolchhas and Marchhas are Hindus; all three are scheduled tribes.
As elsewhere in the Central Himalaya (Maikhuri et al. 1996a; Semwal & Maikhuri 1996), traditional agriculture and animal husbandry in these communities is closely linked with the forest ecosystems. They grow mainly traditional cash crops such as kidney beans, buckwheat, amaranth and potato, alongside other cereals and coarse grains. Their livestock consist of sheep, goats, cattle, bullocks, horses and mules. In these communities, sheep are like a poor man's cash crop and goats a subsistence crop (Maikhuri et al. 1996b).
Like other traditional and tribal societies in India, many Bhotiya households depend to a large extent on wild resources of plant and animal origin for their food security (Maikhuri & Ramakrishnan 1992; Maikhuri & Gangwar 1993). Edible wild fruits, seeds and leaves often provide food during the lean period, when staple food items such as rice, buckwheat and barley are not available (Maikhuri et al. 1996b). Wild resources also contribute to the individual household income. In some households, products not consumed domestically are sold and the money used to buy food. In others, the money earned from wild plant products is the major source of cash.
In this article we examine the role of a number of wild plant species used in large quantities within the village ecosystem (see Table 1). The 37 plants most commonly collected by the three Bhotiya subcommunities are listed in a second table (see Table 2), and their use described in detail. It will be clear that most plants are used for medicinal or household purposes, and this aspect is elaborated in the third table (see Table 3), in which 10 common ailments or diseases are given, together with the plant remedies used to combat them by the Tolchhas, Marchhas and Jadhs respectively. The article ends with a discussion of the current and future status of the indigenous knowledge described here, given the rapid acculturation that is taking place within the Bhotiya subcommunities.
Research
While the authors have been working in the area since 1992, the information on
which the article is based reflects the situation from 1994 to October 1999. A
questionnaire-based survey was carried out in every household in every study
village. The questionnaire data are supported by field observations during which
some of the species referred to by a local name could be identified and the
scientific name provided. The observations presented here are based upon a
participatory study carried out over a period of two years. Field visits were
undertaken together with the locals, in order to identify plant species of
medicinal or economic value and household importance. Plant species used for any
purpose, together with the local name, the part used and the mode of utilization
were recorded and a comprehensive list drawn up. This was done with the help of
local medical practitioners known as vaidyas, as well as village headmen,
elders, curers, and knowledgeable persons in the Tolchha, Marchha and Jadh
subcommunities. The quantitative information related to wild resources is based
on our own field measurements in the villages under study.
Results and discussion
Table 1 consists of twelve (12) categories of forest and alpine plants collected
by the three Bhotiya subcommunities and the various uses to which they are put.
These include not only consumption (as in the case of vegetables, fruits and
spices), but also construction and handicrafts. For each category, the number of
different plants collected by each of the three communities is recorded, as well
as the quantity collected (in kg per capita per year), and the monetary
equivalent of the plants sold (amount of money per capita per year). The highest
amount earned per year was recorded for the plants used as vegetables. Of the
three subcommunities, the Marchha earned the most: IRS 3888, compared with IRS
1741 for the Tolchhas and IRS 1152.4 for the Jadhs. Of the plants consumed as
vegetables, Megacarpaea polyandra; vegetable fern (Diplazium esculentum); and
Himalayan peony (Paeonia emodi) are the most popular. Common morel (edible
fungus) (Morchella esculenta) also provides a good monetary return; it is sold
in the big cities by middlemen traders who buy directly from the villagers at
very low prices. Other important plants which are collected in large quantities
and provide some income are Hippophae rhamnoides; Himalayan bird cherry
(Prunus cornuta) (fruits and edible oil); Prinsepia utilis (edible oil); wild apricot
(Prunus armeniaca) (edible oil); Allium humile; keer (Allium
stracheyi); caraway (Carum carvi) (spices/condiments); Dactylorhiza
hatagirea; Pricorhiza kurooa;
kuth root (Saussurea costus); Himalayan Mayapple, or Indian mandrake (Podophyllum
hexandrum); and atis root (Aconitum heterophyllum) (medicinal and aromatic
plants).
The highest number of plants collected are in the category medicinal and aromatic plants. In a previous study the Bhotiya of the Central Himalayas reported that they use over 150 different medicinal plants to treat more than 105 combinations of diseases (Maikhuri et al. 1996). In the present study (see Table 1), the highest score was 58, recorded by the Tolchhas, who appeared to have the most extensive knowledge of wild plants and their use, followed by the Marchhas with 53 species and the Jadhs with 29. The highest number of plants in all categories was recorded by the Tolchhas and the lowest by the Jadhs.
The majority of all wild plants collected are used for medicinal purposes. Other parts of the plants are often used in other ways: to flavour food, as a condiment, in dyeing, or for religious purposes. In the present investigation it was found that 37 plant species are in common use among the Tolchhas, Marchhas and Jadhs. These are presented in Table 2, which is alphabetically arranged according to the scientific or Latin name of the plant, followed by the local name and the name in English, if there is one. The table also lists the parts used, the purpose for which they are used, and how they are prepared.
The plants are prepared in various ways. For medicinal purposes, a decoction of leaves, stem, fruits and root/tuber is often used; this is either drunk or rubbed on the body to treat one or more diseases or conditions. Most of the decoctions are made by simply crushing a particular part of the plant with a mortar and pestle, but some are made by boiling plant parts with water; after decanting and cooling, the liquid is drunk. As for non-medicinal use, wild plants may be used to prepare tea: Himalayan silver birch (Betula utilis), Bergenia ciliata, and Himalayan yew (Taxus baccata) are all used for the traditional tea known as namkeen, which is popular throughout the Bhotiya tribe. Wild plants or plant parts are also made into condiments. In this context, it is interesting to note that keer (Allium stracheyi) and Allium humile, which are both used as a condiment with pulses, are now actually being cultivated in 90% of the villages in the buffer zone. In this way wild plants can become cultivars.
We asked the local medical practitioners (vaidyas) in each community what species of medicinal plants they used to treat ten major ailments. Here we present the data on the species and composition of those which are most often used by the vaidyas, and which play an important role in the traditional system of medicine. These are presented in Table 3. For each disease or condition, the most common cure is given. The names of the plants are shown, as well as the preparation of the medicine and the method of administration.
As for the number of plants used, it may be noted that out of a possible 30 plants, only 22 species were mentioned. Four plants were used in two different treatments: (hardy orchid) Dactylothiza majalis; (some kind of plume thistle) Cirsium vesutum; Picorrhiza kurooa; and kuth root (Saussurea obvallata). Interestingly, no plant used by one of the subcommunities for a particular ailment was mentioned by the others as a treatment for the same ailment. And yet, the methods are often the same or comparable. For example, to cure headache, all three communities apply a paste of root on the forehead. However, the Tolchhas use atis root (Aconitum heterophyllum), the Marchhas Cicerbita macrorhiza, and the Jadhs (some kind of tansy) (Tanecetum tormentosum). It is noteworthy that the Jadhs have no indigenous medicinal treatment for tuberculosis, relying exclusively on allopathic treatment. This is quite exceptional.
Figure 1 shows that for the treatment of the 10 major ailments which were examined in detail, the dependence of the three communities on herbal treatment ranged from 30% to 100%.
In the case of tubercolosis, asthma and dyspepsia, 60-80% of the population of the Tolchha and Marchha subcommunities depend on allopathic treatment. In the case of all other diseases, however, approximately 60-93% of the population of these subcommunities rely on herbal remedies, and most people prefer to visit the local medical practitioner, the vidhya.
Position of the vaidyas
People go to a vaidya mainly to have their problem diagnosed, even though they
know something about medicinal plants themselves. The effectiveness of the herb
depends on a knowledge of the exact nature of the disease. The response to a
particular dosage may differ from person to person, while the same person may
also react differently at different times. Thus the patient himself will often
experiment with a particular remedy and work out a suitable dose.
Local medical practioners also believe that certain plant parts should be harvested during a particular stage in their growth. Since few people have detailed knowledge of the best stage or time to collect these herbs, they are almost totally dependent on vaidyas. The rules governing the time of collection, the part of the plant to use, storage, and preparation are known only to local faith healers, and for this reason they command considerable respect in Bhotiya society.
Of the communities, the Tolchhas are the most dependent on herbal treatment, and they also have a greater understanding of medicinal plants. Not only the vaidyas, but also every elder in the villages has a good knowledge of the medicinal value of some plant, usually those species used to treat common diseases like cough, cold, fever, viral fever, headache, stomach ache, diarrhoea, dysentery, minor wounds and cuts. While the younger members of the community have little knowledge of medicinal plants, they do have faith in the efficacy of these medicines. In general, members of these tribal groups tend to keep the more detailed information about medicinal plants to themselves, and vaidyas do not even pass on their knowledge to members of their own family.
Conclusion
In the above, we have presented extensive facts and figures on the indigenous
knowledge of medicinal plants among the Bhotiyas of the Central Himalayas. That
knowledge is closely bound up with their way of life and their culture (or even
three different ways of life, and three slightly differing cultures). These have
faced a series of challenges in the recent past. The rules and regulations which
have traditionally governed these tribal people are breaking down, and the
homogeneity of the individual societies is giving way to the heterogeneity of
settlements. The traditional beliefs and indigenous knowledge of the people are
now being questioned by the younger generation, whose task it is to keep that
culture alive. The causes of these problems are many, and have to do with
economic, social and political factors. The traditional role of neighbours
acting as each other's 'keepers' during misfortune or happiness is diminishing.
Another factor responsible for change is the migration of youths from tribal areas to the plains and semi-urban and urban centres, in order to take up employment there. In the course of time these youths begin to relinquish their traditions and adopt modern culture. Yet another problem in maintaining traditional culture and indigenous knowledge results from the loss of the natural forests. Forest depletion caused by various factors has led to the loss of natural pockets of indigenous flora and fauna. The need for documentation is doubly acute in view of the rapid socioeconomic and cultural changes taking place in these tribal communities.
It is not for us researchers to interfere with change or progress. But we do believe that it is important to record this knowledge, not just to store it, but to keep it alive and make it available for future use. This implies maintaining the ecosystems or natural habitat, as well as the sociocultural organizations of the local people (cf. Maikhuri et al. 1996, 1998). However, this would conflict with the autonomy of the people involved. It seems that the only alternative is to carefully record the knowledge and insights of the people living within these societies.
R.K. Maikhuri
G.B. Pant Institute of Himalayan Environment and Development
Garhwal Unit, Srinagar-Garhwal, U.P., 246 174
India
Tel.: +91-1388-52 603
Fax: +91-1388-52 424
E-mail: gbpgu@nde.vsnl.net.in
Sunil Nautiyal
G.B. Pant Institute of Himalayan Environment and Development
Garhwal Unit, Srinagar-Garhwal, U.P., 246 174
India
K.S. Rao
G.B. Pant Institute of Himalayan Environment and Development
Kosi-Almora, U.P., 263 643
India
R.L. Semwal
G.B. Pant Institute of Himalayan Environment and Development
Garhwal Unit, Srinagar-Garhwal, U.P., 246 174
India
Acknowledgements
The authors would like to thank the Director of the G.B. Pant Institute of
Himalayan Environment and Development in Kosi-Almora for the use of its
facilities. This work was supported by a research grant (Young Scientist Scheme)
from the Department of Science and Technology (DST) of the government of India.
The help of Mr R.P. Sati in preparing the manuscript is gratefully acknowledged.
References
Maikhuri, R.K. and P.S. Ramakrishnan (1992) 'Ethnobiology of some tribal
societies of Arunachal Pradesh in northeast India', J. Econ. Ta. Bot. Addl. Ser.
10: 61-78.
Maikhuri, R.K. and A.K. Gangwar (1993) 'Ethnobiology of some tribal societies of Arunachal Pradesh in northeast India', Economic Botany 47(4): 345-357.
Maikhuri, R.K., K.S. Rao and K.G. Saxena (1996a) 'Traditional crop diversity for sustainable development of Central Himalayan agroecosystems', International Journal of Sustainable Development & World Ecology 3: 8-31.
Maikhuri, R.K., S. Nautiyal, K.S. Rao, and K.G. Saxena (1996b) Ecology and socio-economy of transhumanse communities of Garhwal Himalaya. Final progress report. DST, New Delhi.
Maikhuri, R.K., S. Nautiyal, K.S. Rao, and K.G. Saxena (1998a) 'Medicinal plants cultivation and biosphere reserve management: a case study from Nanda Devi Biosphere Reserve, Himalaya', Current Science 74: 157-163.
Maikhuri, R.K., S. Nautiyal, K.S. Rao, and K.G. Saxena (1998b) 'Role of medicinal plants in traditional health care system: a case study from Nanda Devi Biosphere Reserve', Current Science 75 (2): 152-157.
Semwal, R.L., R.K. Maikhuri (1996) Agroecosystem analysis of Garhwal Himalaya. Biological Agriculture and Horticulture. Vol. 13: pp. 267-289.
MAPS
1. Uttar Pradesh, location within India
Photos
Sun-dried roots of kuth root (Saussurea costus),an important medicinal plant
(Bhotiya tribe, Niti valley, Chamoli, (U.P.).
Photo: Dr R.K. Maikhuri
Sheep are like a poor man's cash crop to the Bhotiyas who practice
transhumance.
Photo. Dr R.K. Maikhuri
Websites that may interest readers of this article.
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