IK Monitor Articles (8-3)

Indigenous Knowledge and Development Monitor, November 2000

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Using and sustaining natural resources: the Guajá Indians and the babassu palm (Attalea speciosa)

By: Louis C. Forline

This article discusses the history and present-day distribution of the babassu palm, highlighting the Guajá's relationship with the tree, and the various ways in which it contributes to their livelihood. These practices may serve as a model of sustainable use and management.

The Guajá of the eastern Amazon, who currently number about 230 individuals, constitute one of the few remaining hunter-gatherer cultures on earth. The initial contacts with these people were made in 1973. The Guajá are Tupi-Gurani speakers and presently reside in four semi-nucleated settlements on the Alto Turiaçu and Caru Indian Reserves in Maranhão state, under the auspices of Brazil's Indian Service (FUNAI) #1 (see Maps 1 and 2). There are still an unknown number of Guajá living in this region who have not been contacted.

Following their contact with Brazilian society as such, the Guajá adopted shifting cultivation, employing a farming strategy similar to that of their non-Indian neighbours. In this region, shifting cultivation consists primarily in intercropping manioc (both bitter and sweet varieties) and rice, alongside the cultivation of other crops. Rice cannot tolerate extended periods of drought, while manioc is sensitive to flooding. The Guajá quickly adjusted to shifting cultivation, which provides more options for subsistence. In the same way, they moved closer to the FUNAI Indian posts, making it easier to obtain the medicines and treatment for introduced ailments and diseases. The Guajá still rely on hunting and gathering, frequently trekking from Indian post villages to temporary hunting camps in the forest.

The Guajá occupy a region in the eastern Amazon which is generally characterized as a seasonally dry tropical forest (cf. Janzen 1988). The dry season lasts approximately seven months, from June to December. Mean annual rainfall ranges from 1,900 to 2,000 mm. Although many would classify this region as terra firme (upland forest), it actually exhibits a mosaic of distinct and contiguous ecological zones: white-sand vegetation, black-water ecosystems, igapó forests, and secondary forest.

One of the most distinguishing characteristics of this region is the immense stand of babassu palms (Attalea speciosa; in the literature also referred to as Orbignya matiana or Orbignya phalerata). Known regionally as cocais, these stands range across a number of Brazilian states (see map 1), embracing an area of almost 200,000 km (May et al. 1985). Over half of these palm forests are in Maranhão state, where they occupy about one-third of its territory, or 103,035 km2 (Hecht et al. 1988), an area roughly the size of the U.S. state of Virginia.

Babassu stands abound in forest successions (see photo). The palm is not only extremely fire-resistant, it has hard, resilient fruits that are capable of withstanding predation while lying on the forest floor, awaiting optimal conditions for germination. Babassu fruit sprouts through a process of cryptogeal germination, so that damaged seedlings and juveniles later resprout. Moreover, babassu juveniles (pindovas) can remain in the forest understory for as long as 50 years, ultimately yielding an accumulation of up to 6,000 plants/ha (Anderson 1983).

Food uses
In pre-colonial Brazil, stands of babassu and buriti palms (Mauritia flexuosa) served as a dietary supplement for the Tupinambá Indians on the flood plains of Maranhăo (Steward 1963). For nomadic groups such stands were an important source of fuel and fiber, and formed a hedge against starvation. When European settlers arrived, this floodplain landscape was converted to large rice, cotton and sugarcane plantations. This regional economy folded when slavery was abolished in 1888, leaving large tracts of land abandoned. Most of these areas eventually came to be dominated by stands of babassu palms, and many communities of freed slaves became dependent on this palm for food, fuel, and fiber. As these communities migrated westward, babassu stands gradually extended in the same direction.

The Guajá eat mainly the kernels (nuts) of the babassu fruit. The fruits average a little over 3 seeds kernels each (Anderson & May 1985), which means that regional peasants and indigenous groups can rely on babassu as a constant source of food. Few predators can access these kernels, as the fruits are very hard and it takes 5 metric tons of pressure to break them. Before contact, the Guajá would place a fruit on a semi-concave rock (itá) and strike it with a wooden club or another rock to crack it open. Having acquired modern implements, they now open the fruits with steel axes (see photo).

Babassu kernels are good sources of oil and protein, which are often not readily available to the native populations of Amazonia. Sometimes the Guajá grate or grind the seeds, which are then mixed with water to prepare 'babassu milk'. The kernels are also used as feed for the many pets kept by the Guajá people.#2 They chew the seeds first, to form a small mash, which is then fed to the animals by hand or directly from their mouths. Pets are also given babassu palm hearts, which are extracted from its shoots.

The fleshy mesocarp of the fruit is also eaten by the Guajá. This part of the fruit is usually prepared by heating it in a fire, after which the starchy mesocarp is scraped off with a knife or takwara, a sharp instrument made of bamboo and often used for arrowheads. The mesocarp can also be boiled. There are two species of rodents which feed on the mesocarp, pacas (Agouti paca) and agoutis (Dasyprocta punctata), which are also the main dispersal agents of the fruit. Babassu stands frequently attract these and other game animals, which are hunted by the Guajá.

Other parts of the fruit are rarely eaten, although the Guajá are known to consume sprouts on ritual occasions. For example, when Guajá girls experience menarche, they are secluded in their homes and remain supine until the end of their menstrual period. While in seclusion the girls eat babassu sprouts. Informants report that girls repeat the procedure during their next two menstrual periods; this concludes the rite of passage and initiates womanhood.

Special uses
There are no other edible parts of the babassu fruit, unless one includes the larvae of the bruchid beetle (Pachymerus nuclearum and Carybruchus lipismatus). This beetle is a natural predator of the fruit and its larvae enter the fruit through its germination pores, usually after abcission. The larvae grow and develop within the fruit's seed chambers, assimilating oil and protein. Regional peasants eat the larvae (tapu'a), which are extracted in the same manner as kernels, by cracking open the fruit and picking them out of the chambers. Grubs are usually stir-fried with manioc flour, and taste a bit like bacon. The Guajá do not now consume bruchid larvae, although some reported having eaten them in the past during starvation periods (cf. Dufour 1986). However, grubs are frequently used as fish bait (see photo Bruchid beetle larvae).

Other uses: construction
The Guajá also use parts of the babassu palm as construction material. Palm fronds are used to build homes (tapiris) and before contact, the Guajá used to construct makeshift shelters by thatching adjacent forest trees (see photo). Tapiris served as temporary shelters at a time when the Guajá led a more nomadic life. These shelters were revisited seasonally and the old frames were rethatched. The old fronds were not discarded, but were used for kindling. Today the Guajá construct more permanent houses in the vicinity of FUNAI Indian Posts. These structures are larger than the traditional tapiri and are enclosed; babassu fronds are often used to construct 'walls'. The Guajá still construct their traditional shelters when they visit their hunting camps.

Babassu fronds are also used to build hunting blinds (takaya).#3 Here the leaf base is dug into the ground and stem tips are centrally arched and tied together to form an enclosed, dome-like structure (see photo). Hunting blinds are usually constructed near old fallows or hunting trails. Takayas are also built on tree branches where hunters can stake out birds and monkeys.

On religious and ceremonial occasions the Guajá build takayas in their villages. In the dry season, when there is a full moon, Guajá men decorate themselves with ornamental plumage, before embarking on a voyage to the spirit world (iwá-beh). They are assisted by family members as they sing and dance around the takayas. The men enter the takaya individually and continue to chant as they ready themselves for a sojourn with spiritual beings. The rich details of this event cannot be fully elaborated here, but suffice it to say that babassu materials serve as important vehicles connecting the Guajá to their spirit world.

Other uses
Palm fronds can also be made into receptacles which resemble the modern backpack. They are woven by both men and women, and serve as temporary containers for transporting food, such as manioc, and slain game animals (see photos). Carrying packs, which are not generally used for storage purposes, can be woven to various sizes, so that they can be carried by both children and adults. Fronds can also be woven into sitting mats and fans. And finally, palm leaves can even be used to dam small rivers and streams in order to trap fish, and to make small corrals along river margins and lakes, where manioc tubers are soaked (see photo).

The fruit husks are used as fuel and for medicinal purposes. Although not all medicinal uses have been documented, one known treatment is as a cure for athlete's foot (Tinea pedis). Husks are prepared by placing them in a fire. After they catch fire, the flame is blown out and the foot is held over the smoldering husk, thus 'smoking' the affected area. This procedure is repeated over a period of several days until healing is complete.#4

Conclusion
While there are a host of other non-timber forest products used and managed by the Guajá, the use of one species, babassu, demonstrates the intimate balance they have forged with natural resources. In many cases, the presence of babassu palms is an indication of past habitation and cultivation by indigenous groups and peasants. Often such areas were consciously created, as the Guajá and other groups prefer to leave the palms standing when clearing fields. In this respect, they would fall under the category of species which have been protected and manipulated, with the intention of serving humans (cf. Alcorn 1981). Lévi-Strauss (1950) refers to this form of management as the cultivation of semi-domesticated plants, since they were not brought under full domestication. This type of cultivation is extremely advantageous for both nomadic and semi-sedentary groups, as they can rely on semi-domesticated species that grow well on agricultural plots, yet persist in 'wild' habitats.

While a description of babassu and its potential uses among regional peasants has appeared elsewhere (see Anderson et al. 1991), its multiple uses among the Guajá provide yet another example of the sustainable use and management of natural resources. Indeed, Guajá management practices may serve as a model within rural development. The integration of these practices would, of course, require further studies, partnerships with NGOs, entrepreneurial cooperation, and the formulation of government policy. Essential in facilitating the use of non-timber forest products is respecting indigenous autonomy, in the interest of a successful and ongoing project.

1 The acronym FUNAI stands for Fundaçăo Nacional do Indio, the government agency charged with administering indigenous affairs in Brazil.
2 The Guajá do not raise animals as a source of food, but they do keep household pets. These are usually the young of slain game animals, and include many types of monkeys, pacas, agoutis, birds, and peccaries.
3 The word takaya is of Tupi origin, and was incorporated into Portuguese as tocaia. In Portuguese, it usually refers to a hideout, or stakeout, where animals and/or enemies are ambushed.
4 Regional peasants also use the babassu epicarp for medicinal purposes. In this case, the husks are ground into a fine powder, mixed with liquids and then drunk. Husk powder helps cure gastro-intestinal disorders, allergies, stress, infections and other ailments.

Louis C. Forline
Museu Goeldi
Departemento de Cięncias Humanas
Avenido Perimetral, 1901
Belém , Pará
Brazil CEP 66.077-530
Tel.: +55-217 6027.
Fax: +55-217 6044.
E-mail: forline@museu-goeldi.br

References
Alcorn, Janis (1981) 'Huastec noncrop resource management: implications for prehistoric rain forest management', Human Ecology 9(4): 395-417.

Anderson, Anthony (1983) The biology of Orbignya martiana (Palmae), a tropical dry forest dominant in Brazil. Doctoral dissertation, University of Florida, Gainesville.

Anderson, Anthony; and P. May (1983) 'A palmeira de muitas vidas', Cięncia Hoje 4 (20): 58-64.

Anderson, Anthony; P. May, and M. Balick (1991) The subsidy from nature: Palm forests, peasantry, and development on an Amazon frontier. New York: Columbia University Press.

Dufour, Darna (1986) 'Insects as food: a case study from the Northwest Amazon', American Anthropologist 89(2): 383-397.

Hecht, Susana; A. Anderson, and P. May (1988) 'The subsidy from nature: shifting cultivation, successional palm forests, and rural development', Human Organization 47(1): 25-35.

Janzen, Dan (1988) 'Tropical dry forests: the most endangered major tropical ecosystem', in E.O. Wilson (ed.) Biodiversity. Washington, D.C: National Academy Press.

Lévi-Strauss, Claude (1950) 'The use of wild plants in tropical South America', pp. 465-486 in J. Steward (ed.) Handbook of South American Indians. Vol. 6. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office.

May, Peter; A. Anderson, J.M. Frazăo, and M. Balick (1985) 'Babassu palm in the agroforestry systems in Brazil's Mid-North region', Agroforestry Systems 3: 275-295.

Steward, Julian (1963) Handbook of South American Indians. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office.

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