IK Monitor Research (9-1)

Indigenous Knowledge and Development Monitor, March 2001

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Research

Assessment of indigenous agricultural implements in Nigeria

More than 98 percent of all the food consumed in Nigeria, with the exception of wheat, is produced by small-scale subsistence farmers. These farmers have holdings averaging some three hectares. They use traditional technologies suited to the soil and other specific agro-ecological conditions. The design of the cutlasses, axes and hoes that make up their technology for clearing land, preparing seedbeds, planting, weeding and harvesting is peculiar to each ethnic group, and the tools vary in performance. The study described here set out first to analyze those tools, and then to suggest how any problems might be corrected. It is more feasible for poor farmers to improve existing tools than to buy new, mechanized ones.

Research was conducted among four ethnic groups in Nigeria in order to assess the efficiency of their technology. The research had a development dimension: if the tools' efficiency proved to be low, recommendations for improvement would be made. If such improvement proved impossible, the tools' replacement by new, perhaps mechanized technology would be recommended.

Four ethnic groups were selected for the case study: the Egba (Yoruba) in the south-west zone, the Nupe in the north-west zone, and the Ebira and Igala in north-central Nigeria. First a demographic profile of each group of farmers was obtained, together with a profile of their agricultural and socio-economic circumstances. This was done by distributing 120 questionnaires within each group and by conducting structured interviews and group discussions. Among other things, the questionnaire was designed to identify the agricultural tools used by the ethnic group in question. The tools were examined and measured to determine their technical specifications, and their performance was analyzed with the help of mechanical engineering formulas. The fact that most of the farmers are rather old (average age 46) was taken into account.

Most of the tools scored well or very well in terms of their mechanical efficiency and do not require significant improvement. The only exceptions were several axes and hoes of the Igala which were found to perform poorly: the axe (okanyi), the palm-fruit harvesting axe (akolo), the ridging hoe (akagbogwu, which is also used for harvesting and planting tubers), and the planting hoe (atamu). The mechanical efficiency of the axe and the ridging hoe was less than 50 per cent, warranting the improvement or replacement of these tools. For the rest, the small-scale farms were found to be generally efficient.

The introduction of simple mechanized tools is probably inevitable, especially in view of the farmers' average age, but the socio-economic circumstances of these farmers will make this difficult. They have no formal education, little money, and their farms are small. For the over 68 million Nigerians engaged in subsistence farming, it will therefore be important that any process of mechanization is planned well and introduced gradually.

For more information, please contact: Dr N. Itodo, University of Agriculture, College of Agriculture and Engineering Technology, Department of Agricultural Engineering, PMB 2373, Makurdi, Nigeria.
Tel.: + 044-533204/5 ext. 2050.

Indigenous technology: the making of books in Sri Lanka

Books are a medium for the storage and dissemination of knowledge. At present, other media are rapidly gaining popularity among those who can afford to buy a computer with Internet access. And yet for reading and retaining information, books are still indispensable. But they need not be made of paper. In Sri Lanka and nearby areas of India and Burma, talipot palm leaves (Corypha umbraculifera) have long been used to write on. They are impervious to water and other liquids and are economical to produce, since the only investment is the labour involved. This research communication examines the entire process of making a book out of talipot palm leaves and highlights the advantages of this indigenous technology.

Preparation of the leaves
First the talipot palm leaves are selected, whereby the very young leaves are preferred. The spine is removed, the leaves are rolled up, tied, and placed in a pan of water containing papaya and pineapple leaves and brought to a boil. The papaya and pineapple leaves help to whiten the talipot leaves. After boiling, the palm leaves are first dried in the shade and then left out in the dew for three nights. After that, they are dried again and rubbed against a round, smooth log. The leaves are then cut into pieces measuring approximately 30 cm by 6 cm. Each leaf is punched with a heated iron spike called a panhida in the middle of the short side. Each leaf is then treated with dorana oil (Dipterocarpus glandulosus), to increase its durability.

To put the book together, a length of string is threaded through the hole in each leaf and through the cover (usually made of ivory or wood); one end is attached to a coin and the other end is tied around the book to keep the leaves together.

Writing
It is possible to write on the leaves of the book with a ballpoint pen, but the ink will wash off if the leaves get wet. At the time this method of making books was invented, there were no pens, so people made use of another, more durable technique. They 'carved' letters into the pages, using the pointed panhida mentioned above. The instrument measured 25-30 cm and weighed about 150 grams; the point was usually made of iron and the upper part of brass. Writing with the panhida requires some practice, but those skilled in its use can even write in the dark. Thus in the past people could make good use of their time without having to buy fuel for lighting.

However, the writing is often difficult to read, even in broad daylight. To make the 'carved' letters stand out more clearly, a mixture of resin oil, mi oil (Bassia longifolia) and dead coal powder is applied to the surface, a process known as 'blackening'.

Present relevance
Until well into the 20th century nearly everyone lived in thatched houses, which often leaked during the rainy season. The fact that the palm leaf books were resistant to water has contributed to their continuing popularity. The range of subject matter to which the books are devoted is also a factor. This includes not only Sinhalese literature, but also writings pertaining to Buddhism, indigenous therapeutic methods, and astrology.

Palm leaf books are used in chanting pirith - the recitation of selected discourses of Buddha - and monks are still trained in ancient writing at pirivenas, the institutions where Buddhism is taught. The fact that there are only one or two copies of each book available is apparently not a problem. In Buddhist temples, time and labour are freely available, and the copying of Buddha's doctrine is a way of safeguarding His teachings. This means that modern devices such as computers and CD-Roms are not entirely appropriate.

In the field of therapeutic medicine, Sri Lanka has a rich store of indigenous knowledge, especially in bone-setting and the treatment of mental illnesss. Practitioners only pass on their trade secrets to members of the family, so that here, too, one or two copies of a book are sufficient.

Among practitioners of astrology, there are practical reasons for making use of books made of talipot palm leaves. When astrologers draw up a personal horoscope for someone, for example, this is traditionally written on leaf paper, because a horoscope must last as long as the person lives.

It will be clear from the above that the making of books out of talipot palm leaves is an indigenous technology which is not only rooted in tradition, but is still the best method of preserving and passing on certain types of knowledge.

For more information, please contact: Dr Nirmal Herath, Senior Lecturer in Economics, University of Sri Jayewardenepura, Nugegoda, Sri Lanka.
E-mail: n-herath@sjp.ac.li

Farming knowledge and its transmission among the Igalas

The Centre for Indigenous Knowledge in Farm and Infrastructure Management (CIKFIM) in Nigeria is engaged in a survey to document the traditional knowledge, attitudes and practices of farmers in central Nigeria. The survey began with the Igalas, and the first findings were presented at the national conference of the Agricultural Extension Society in Nigeria in 1998. The present communication pertains to further findings as well as to some of the problems observed during the study. The key factor placing constraints on farm infrastrucure is the uneven distribution of knowledge.

The Igalas, with an estimated population of 223,562, are the ninth largest ethnic group in the country. Their language is Igala, and they occupy a large area (6225 km2) in Nigeria's savannah belt. Two great rivers, Niger and Benue, run through the area and traditionally provide for transport and fishing. Temperatures average 210C - 300C and annual rainfall varies from 115 mm to 1700 mm. There are two seasons: the rainy season from March to early November, and the dry season, which starts in November.

Farmers account for 91% of Igala households, each of which has average holdings of two hectares, but these holdings are usually fragmented. Igala land is communally owned, being held in trust for the government. It is neither sold nor mortgaged, but can be leased.

A sample of 120 farm households was surveyed in the three main districts of the Ankpa Local Government Area: Ogodu, Inye and Afor. The farmers raise crops and animals, and their households can be characterized as follows.

Most farms are owned by married men over 40 who support large families. They have enjoyed little formal education but have acquired considerable knowledge over their years of farming.

Most of the households (70%) engage in mixed cropping as a response to the scarcity of land. This is also seen as a way to minimize the risk of loss through pests. The most commmon crops, with which every farmer begins, are yam (uchu) and maize (akpa). Tubers and grains account for the largest portion of crops that are consumed. Other edible crops well suited to the climatic and edaphic conditions include cassava (abacha), cocoyam (okede) and Guinea corn (okili). To work the land, the Igala employ locally manufactured farm implements adapted to their specific farming situations, such as the hoe (ukoche), cutlass (opia) axe (obe) and knife (okanyi). Fallowing is widely used to improve soil fertilty. The farmers experiment with seeds, selecting those that give higher yields and shorter growing cycles.

The most popular livestock traditionally kept by the Igalas are chickens, goats and sheep. Generations of natural selection and controlled breeding have resulted in local breeds with a high degree of tolerance and capable of subsisting on the available feed resources, which are poor in quality and scarce at times of the year. Respondents gave five reasons as their main reason for keeping livestock: for sacrifices and other religious purposes (50%), for food (20%), for generating income (13.3%), for 'support' (12.5%), and for 'prestige'(4.2%).

The transmission of knowledge
The interviews revealed that 25 per cent of the farmers acquire their knowledge through story-telling, plays, proverbs, festivals, dance, and other folk media. The stories are told at night in the moonlight. Twenty percent of the farmers said they had acquired their farming knowledge by word of mouth. The researchers observed that farming practices are often explained to children - at home, along the farm path and on the farm site. Other modes of transmitting knowledge that were observed include records, deliberate instructions, apprenticeships and indigenous organizations.

Constraints
Several problems were seen to be associated with the indigenous agricultural practices. First, indigenous knowledge is not uniformly distributed. Each individual possesses only a part of a community's IK. Also, some believe that because their own agricultural knowledge and practices are not documented, they cannot have any meaningful impact on an agricultural revolution. The researchers observed that knowledge of plants and animals is tied to certain groups of people within the community. This too prevents traditional practices among farmers from being uniform. In addition, fragmented holdings of land, poor infrastructural facilities, and marketing problems have combined to keep agricultural productivity from reaching its potential.

For more information, contact: Dr G.B. Ayoola, Director, Centre for Indigenous Knowledge in Farm and Infrastructure Management (CIKFIM), University of Agriculture, PMB 2373, Makurdi, Nigeria.
Tel.: +234-44-533 204.
Fax: + 234-44-534 040 (box 5).
E-mail: ifpreb@compuserve.com or: A.A. Ayeni, or S.S. Okpanachi, Department of Agriculutral Economics, University of Agriculture, PMB 2373, Makurdi, Nigeria.

Reference
Ayoola, G.B.(1998) Indigenous Knowledge and Agricultural Extension delivery. Invited lead paper at the 4th Annual National Conference of Agricultural Extension society of Nigeria, UAM, Makurdi, 17-19 June,1998.